Period 1985-1991 called the period of “perestroika”, it was at this time that the command economy was being destroyed in our country, changes were taking place in the political system, and democratic principles were beginning to be implemented in practice.

An important transformation in the domestic policy of this period was the policy of publicity - the democratization of public life, the course for which was adopted at the April 1985 Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU.

It was then that the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, MS Gorbachev, put forward the slogan "perestroika-glasnost-acceleration". The reason for the beginning of the policy of glasnost was the need to overcome the crisis phenomena that figured in all spheres of the life of Soviet society. Gorbachev, indeed, influenced life in the country, thanks to his decrees independent newspapers and magazines began to be published, publications of previously banned writers appeared (Platonov, Zamyatin, Strugatsky), new political parties were formed, censorship was significantly mitigated - control over the content of disseminated information. The consequence of the policy of glasnost was the adoption in 1990 of the law "On the Press", which meant the introduction of freedom of speech in the Soviet Union.

However, democratization did not immediately bring the desired results; during the years of perestroika, the country was in a deep economic crisis, characterized by a high level of inflation - depreciation of money, food shortages.

The authority of the authorities was falling, national separatism was clearly manifested. For these reasons, in 1991 the USSR collapsed. On August 19-21, 1991, a political coup took place, called the August putsch. The leadership of the RSFSR, headed by President Boris N. Yeltsin, addressed the citizens, condemning the actions of the putschists as an unconstitutional coup. At the call of Yeltsin, tens of thousands of Muscovites took up defensive positions around the White House. After the August coup, the center finally fell. Already in December, Ukraine withdrew from the USSR, and then the RSFSR. The result of the collapse was the creation of the CIS - the Commonwealth of Independent States, the weakening of economic ties between the former republics, the complete destruction of totalitarianism, the election of B. N. Yeltsin to the post of president of the RSFSR.

In foreign policy, the situation improved significantly, Gorbachev proposed to the world "new political thinking" - the idea that the common interests of the state and the world were placed above ideology. Realizing the need to reduce tension in the world, avoid nuclear conflicts, improve relations with European countries, the head of the USSR decided to withdraw troops from Afghanistan, which ended in 1989. In 1989-90, the leadership of the USSR agreed with the opinion of German Chancellor Kohl, who expressed his opinion on the importance of German unification and agreed to an agreement with the leader of the USSR, the Berlin Wall was demolished. Based on this, the international situation was improved, and the threat of nuclear and missile confrontation was removed. Unfortunately, softening in the foreign policy course lowered the authority of the USSR and is considered one of the reasons for its collapse.

Thus, we can say that the period of perestroika was difficult and controversial, however, as its instigator himself, Gorbachev, thought, he gave worthy results and helped the country get out of a stagnant state, embarking on the path of democratic development, providing citizens with real rights and freedoms.

Effective preparation for the exam (all subjects) -

Federal Agency for Education

State educational institution of higher professional education

Ishim State Pedagogical Institute named after P. P. Ershov"

Control work on National history on the topic:

"Perestroika in the USSR"

Completed by: Yulia Alexandrovna Astafieva,

student of distance learning, 1st year,

Faculty of Education, specialty

"Pedagogy and psychology", the term of study is 4.2 years.

Checked by: Yazynin A.E.

I Introduction…………………………………………………………………….3

II main part

The main reasons and goals of perestroika…………..4

Major Reforms………………………………………………………………6

The collapse of the USSR. The results of perestroika……………………….9

III Conclusion…………………………………………………………… 12

Literature……………………………………………………………..13

Introduction

For my essay, I chose the topic “Perestroika in the USSR.” This topic is close to me because I was born during the period of perestroika, and its events also affected my family. Perestroika is a very high-profile period in the history of the USSR. The policy of perestroika, initiated by part of the leadership of the CPSU headed by Mikhail Gorbachev, led to significant changes in the life of the country and the world as a whole. In the course of perestroika, problems that had accumulated over decades were exposed, especially in the economy and the interethnic sphere. Added to all this were the mistakes and miscalculations made in the process of carrying out the reforms themselves. The political confrontation between the forces advocating the socialist path of development, parties and movements linking the future of the country with the organization of life on the principles of capitalism, as well as on issues of the future image of the Soviet Union, the relationship between union and republican bodies of state power and administration, sharply escalated. By the beginning of the 1990s, perestroika led to an aggravation of the crisis in all spheres of society and to the further disintegration of the USSR. The attitude of people to this historical stage is ambivalent. Some believe that perestroika is a way out of a difficult situation of stagnation, that changes were necessary, for better or worse, but it was necessary to change the system, its structure, and that changes could not be made due to the complex general state of affairs in international politics and on “internal fronts." Another opinion on this matter is that perestroika is the destruction of the Soviet Union and nothing more than that the leaders were driven by simple selfish considerations, and through all the ranting about the inefficiency of socialism, these selfish considerations were quite clearly visible. The initiators of perestroika wanted to put the money in their own pocket.

The main goal of my project is to try to prove that the country needed changes at that time.

I will try to analyze the main and key, in my opinion, problems of perestroika - this is the task of my work.

The main reasons and goals of perestroika

By the beginning of the 1980s, the Soviet economic system had exhausted its possibilities for development. Having carried out industrialization and urbanization, the command economy could not further carry out deep transformations covering all aspects of society. First of all, it turned out to be incapable in the radically changed conditions to ensure the proper development of productive forces, protect human rights, and maintain the country's international prestige. The USSR with its gigantic reserves of raw materials, industrious and selfless population lagged behind the West more and more. The Soviet economy was not up to the increasing demands for the variety and quality of consumer goods. Industrial enterprises, not interested in scientific and technological progress, rejected up to 80% of new technical solutions and inventions. The growing inefficiency of the economy had a negative impact on the country's defense capability. In the early 1980s, the USSR began to lose competitiveness in the only industry in which it successfully competed with the West - in the field of military technology.

Under the conditions of monopoly domination in society by one party, the CPSU, and the presence of a powerful repressive apparatus, changes could only begin "from above". The top leaders of the country were clearly aware that the economy needed to be reformed, but none of the conservative majority of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU wanted to take responsibility for implementing these changes.

Even the most urgent problems were not solved in a timely manner. Instead of taking any measures to improve the economy, new forms of "socialist competition" were proposed. Enormous funds were diverted to numerous "constructions of the century" like the Baikal-Amur Mainline.

In the early 1980s, without exception, all sections of Soviet society experienced psychological discomfort. An understanding of the need for profound changes was ripening in the public mind, but interest in them varied. The numerically grown and more informed Soviet intelligentsia found it increasingly difficult to put up with the suppression of the free development of culture, the isolation of the country from the outside civilized world. She was acutely aware of the perniciousness of a nuclear confrontation with the West and the consequences of the Afghan war. The intelligentsia wanted genuine democracy and individual freedom.

Most workers and employees associated the need for change with better organization and wages, a more equitable distribution of social wealth. Part of the peasantry hoped to become the true owners of their land and their labor. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, thousands of rallies were held in many cities of the USSR demanding reforms.

A powerful layer of party and state officials, the military, who were worried about the collapse of the state, were waiting for changes.

Perestroika was proclaimed by the new general secretary, 54-year-old M.S. Gorbachev, who took over the baton of power after the death of K.U. Chernenko in March 1985. Dressed elegantly, speaking “without a piece of paper”, the Secretary General gained popularity with his external democracy and desire for transformations in a “stagnant” country and, of course, with promises (for example, by 2000, each family was promised a separate comfortable apartment).

Since the time of Khrushchev, no one has communicated with the people like this: Gorbachev traveled around the country, easily went out to people, talked informally with workers, collective farmers, and the intelligentsia. With the advent of a new leader, inspired by the plans for a breakthrough in the economy and the restructuring of the entire life of society, people's hopes and enthusiasm revived.

A course was proclaimed to "accelerate" the socio-economic development of the country. With the election of Gorbachev to the post of General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, the vicious tradition of recent years was finally interrupted. M.S. Gorbachev was elected because the ruling elite could not but reckon with public opinion, which was not officially recognized, but really existed.

The acceleration strategy, that is, the use of all reserves to increase labor productivity, became the basis of economic programs. It was supposed to concentrate resources for the modernization of production, significantly expand the production of machinery and equipment. However, there was no talk of creating new economic incentives to improve the performance of enterprises. It was planned to achieve the goals set by tightening labor discipline, increasing the responsibility of enterprise managers for economic violations. A system of state acceptance was introduced - non-departmental control over the quality of products. An educated man and an experienced party worker, Gorbachev continued the analysis of the state of the country begun by Andropov and the search for ways out of the situation.

Various reform options were discussed both in scientific circles and in the depths of the party apparatus. However, by 1985 an integral concept of restructuring the economy had not yet taken shape. Most scientists and politicians were looking for a way out within the framework of the existing system: in transferring the national economy to the path of intensification, creating conditions for the introduction of the achievements of scientific and technological revolution. This point of view was also held at that time by M.S. Gorbachev.

Thus, in order to strengthen the country's position in the international arena, to improve the living conditions of the population, the country really needed an intensive, highly developed economy. Already the first speeches of the new General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU showed his determination to begin the renewal of the country.

Major reforms

Anti-alcohol reform

The initial idea of ​​the reform was very positive - to reduce the amount of alcohol consumed per capita in the country, to begin the fight against drunkenness. But as a result of too radical actions, Gorbachev's anti-alcohol campaign and the subsequent abandonment of the state monopoly led to the fact that most of the income went into the shadow sector.

In the 90s, a lot of start-up capital was put together by private traders on "drunk" money. The treasury quickly emptied. The most valuable vineyards were cut down, as a result of which entire sectors of industry disappeared in some republics of the USSR, for example, in Georgia. The growth of drug addiction, substance abuse and moonshining, as well as multibillion-dollar budget losses.

Personnel reforms in the government

In October 1985, N.I. was appointed Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. Ryzhkov. In December 1985, B.N. became the secretary of the Moscow city party committee. Yeltsin. E.A. became Minister of Foreign Affairs instead of Gromyko. Shevardnadze. A.N. Yakovlev and A.I. Lukyanov. In fact, 90% of the old Brezhnev apparatus was replaced by new cadres. Almost the entire composition of the Presidium of the Council of Ministers of the USSR was replaced.

Public and social reforms

At this time, the general democratization of life in the country began. The political persecution has stopped. Weakened the oppression of censorship. The policy of glasnost, initiated by the new Soviet leadership, dramatically changed the spiritual life of the people. Increased interest in print media, radio, television. In 1986 alone, newspapers and magazines acquired more than 14 million new readers. The policy of glasnost paved the way for true freedom of speech, press, and thought, which became possible only after the collapse of the communist regime.

Soviet society embraced the process of democratization. In the ideological sphere, Gorbachev put forward the slogan of glasnost. This meant that no events of the past and present should be hidden from the people. Glasnost is the keyword of perestroika, it allowed the dumb masses to say whatever they want, to criticize anyone, including especially Gorbachev himself, the man who gave them freedom.

Reforms in foreign policy

During the meeting M.S. Gorbachev with US President Ronald Reagan in November 1985, the parties recognized the need to improve Soviet-American relations and improve the international situation as a whole. The START-1,2 treaties have been concluded. By a statement dated January 15, 1986, M.S. Gorbachev put forward a number of major foreign policy initiatives:

complete elimination of nuclear and chemical weapons by the year 2000;

strict control over the storage of nuclear weapons and their destruction at the sites of liquidation;

The USSR abandoned the confrontation with the West and offered to end the Cold War.

In 1990, Gorbachev received the Nobel Peace Prize for his contribution to easing international tension. During his visit to India, the Delhi Declaration on the Principles of a Nuclear-Free and Non-Violent World was signed.

Reforms of the political system of the USSR

The struggle for political reform and the methods of carrying it out unfolded at the 19th All-Union Party Conference in the summer of 1988. By that time, the opponents of perestroika had become more active. Back in March 1988, in the newspaper of the Central Committee of the CPSU "Soviet Russia", an article by a teacher from one of the Leningrad universities, Nina Andreeva, "I cannot compromise my principles", directed against democratic reforms, calling back to Lenin and Stalin. At the congress there were also attempts by conservatives to change the opinion of the majority of delegates in their favor, but they did not lead to anything. On December 1, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR adopted 2 laws "On Amendments and Additions to the Constitution of the USSR" and "On the Election of People's Deputies of the USSR." According to the first of them, the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, consisting of 2250 deputies, becomes the supreme body of power. The meeting was to be held once a year. It elected the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. The second law determined the procedure for the election of people's deputies of the USSR. The new laws had many shortcomings, but were a significant step forward towards liberation from totalitarianism and the one-party system. On March 26, 1989, the elections of people's deputies of the USSR were held. In May - June 1989, the 1st Congress of People's Deputies began its work. It included the Interregional Deputy Group (Sakharov, Sobchak, Afanasyev, Popov, Starovoitova), the Soyuz Deputy Group (Blokhin, Kogan, Petrushenko, Alksnis), the Life Deputy Group and others.

The final stage in the field of reforms of the political system can be called the III Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, at which Gorbachev was elected President of the USSR, and some amendments were made to the Constitution.

economic reform

By the middle of 1990. The Soviet leadership decided to introduce private ownership of the means of production. The dismantling of the foundations of socialism began. The President was offered several economic programs for the transition to a market economy. The most famous of them was the program called "500 days", created under the guidance of a young scientist G. Yavlinsky. The government of the USSR also proposed its program. The programs differed mainly in the degree of radicalization and determination. "500 Days" aimed at a quick and decisive transition to the market, the bold introduction of various forms of ownership. The government program, without denying the need for a transition to market relations, sought to stretch this process for a long time, leaving a significant public sector in the economy, pervasive control over it by the central bureaucratic bodies.

The President gave preference to the government's program. Its implementation began in January 1991 with the exchange of 50 and 100 ruble bills in order to withdraw money acquired illegally from the point of view of the authorities, as well as to reduce the pressure of the money supply on the consumer market. The exchange took place in a short time. There were long queues at the savings banks. People had to prove the legitimacy of their savings. Instead of the planned 20 billion rubles, the government received only 10 billion rubles from this operation. On April 2, 1991, prices for foodstuffs, transport, and utilities were increased by 2-4 times. There was a drop in the living standards of the population. According to the UN, by the middle of 1991, the USSR ranked 82nd in the world on this indicator. The official decision of the Soviet leadership on the transition to a market economy allowed the most enterprising and energetic people to create the country's first legal private business firms, trade and commodity exchanges. A layer of entrepreneurs appeared and began to be realized in the country, although the existing laws did not allow them to expand their activities in the production of goods. The bulk of private capital found its application in trade and money circulation. The process of privatization of enterprises was extremely slow. On top of that, there was the emergence of unemployment, crime, racketeering. By the end of 1991, the Soviet economy was in a catastrophic situation. The fall in production accelerated. The national income compared to 1990 has decreased by 20%. The state budget deficit, i.e., the excess of government spending over income, was, according to various estimates, from 20% to 30% of gross domestic product (GDP). The growth of the money supply in the country threatened to lose state control over the financial system and hyperinflation, i.e. inflation over 50% per month, which could paralyze the entire economy. Failures in the economy increasingly undermined the position of the communist reformers led by Gorbachev.

We can conclude that as a result of his reforms, the world has changed dramatically and will never be the same again. It is impossible to do this without courage and political will. Mikhail Gorbachev can be treated differently, but there is no doubt that he is one of the biggest figures in history.

The collapse of the USSR. The results of the restructuring.

Representatives of the party and state leaders, who believed that only decisive action would help preserve the political positions of the CPSU and stop the collapse of the Soviet Union, resorted to forceful methods. They decided to take advantage of the absence of the President of the USSR in Moscow, who was on vacation in the Crimea.

Early in the morning of August 19, television and radio informed citizens that, due to Gorbachev's illness, the execution of duties was temporarily assigned to Vice-President Yanaev and that a state committee on the emergency situation of the State Emergency Committee was formed "to govern the country and effectively implement the state of emergency." This committee consisted of 8 people. Gorbachev found himself isolated in a state dacha. Military units and tanks were brought into Moscow, and a curfew was announced.

The House of Soviets of the RSFSR, the so-called White House, became the center of resistance to the GKChP. In an address to the citizens of Russia, President Yeltsin and the acting chairman of the Supreme Council Khasbulatov called on the population not to obey the illegal decisions of the State Emergency Committee, qualifying its actions as an unconstitutional coup. Tens of thousands of residents of the capital expressed their support for Yeltsin.

Fearing the unleashing of a civil war, Yanaev and his associates did not dare to storm the House of Soviets. They began the withdrawal of troops from Moscow and flew to the Crimea in the hope of reaching an agreement with Gorbachev, but the President of the USSR had already returned to Moscow, along with Vice President Rutskoi, who had flown "to the rescue". Members of the GKChP were arrested. Yeltsin signed decrees on the suspension of the activities of the CPSU and the Communist Party of the RSFSR and the publication of communist-oriented newspapers. Gorbachev announced the resignation of the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, and then issued decrees that actually stopped the activities of the party and transferred its property to state ownership.

The last months of 1991 became the time of the final collapse of the USSR. The Congress of People's Deputies was dissolved, the Supreme Soviet was radically reformed, and most of the union ministries were liquidated. The supreme body was the State Council of the USSR, which included the President of the USSR and the heads of the union republics. On December 1, a referendum was held in Ukraine, and the majority voted for the independence of the republic. On December 7-8, 1991, the presidents of Russia and Ukraine Yeltsin and Kravchuk and the chairman of the Supreme Council of Belarus Shushkevich, having met in Belovezhskaya Pushcha, announced the termination of the existence of the USSR and the formation of the Commonwealth of Independent States of the CIS as part of the three republics. Subsequently, the CIS included all the former republics of the USSR, with the exception of the Baltic ones.

So, perestroika reached a dead end, which led the government to a crisis. As a result, the USSR collapsed, and Gorbachev, being in a hopeless situation, easily evaded the answer, simply removing himself from the powers of the president, because the USSR no longer existed.

During the years of "perestroika" surprisingly little was done to really reform the economic mechanism. The laws adopted by the union leadership expanded the rights of enterprises, allowed small private and cooperative entrepreneurship, but did not affect the fundamental foundations of the command-and-distribution economy. The paralysis of the central government and, as a result, the weakening of state control over the national economy, the progressive disintegration of production ties between enterprises of different Union republics, the increased autocracy of directors, the short-sighted policy of artificially increasing the incomes of the population, as well as other populist measures in the economy - all this led to an increase in during 1990 - 1991 economic crisis in the country. The destruction of the old economic system was not accompanied by the appearance of a new one in its place. This task had to be solved by the new Russia.

The accelerated growth of wages and benefits, which began in 1989, increased unsatisfied demand, by the end of the year most goods disappeared from state trade, but were sold at exorbitant prices in commercial stores and on the "black market". Between 1985 and 1991, retail prices almost tripled, government price controls could not stop inflation. Unexpected interruptions in the supply of various consumer goods to the population caused "crises" (tobacco, sugar, vodka) and huge queues. A normalized distribution of many products (according to coupons) was introduced. People feared a possible famine.

Serious doubts arose among Western creditors about the solvency of the USSR. The total external debt of the Soviet Union by the end of 1991 amounted to more than 100 billion dollars, taking into account mutual debts, the net debt of the USSR in convertible currency in real terms was estimated at about 60 billion dollars. Until 1989, external debt service (repayment of interest, etc.) took 25-30% of the amount of Soviet exports in convertible currency, but then, due to a sharp drop in oil exports, the Soviet Union had to sell gold reserves to purchase the missing currency. By the end of 1991, the USSR could no longer fulfill its international obligations to service its foreign debt. Economic reform became inevitable and vital.

Among the many accusations brought against Gorbachev, perhaps the most important is indecisiveness. The policy of perestroika, initiated by part of the leadership of the CPSU headed by Mikhail Gorbachev, led to significant changes in the life of the country and the world as a whole.

In the course of perestroika, problems that had accumulated over decades were exposed, especially in the economy and the interethnic sphere. Added to this were the mistakes and miscalculations made in the process of implementing the reforms themselves. The political confrontation between the forces advocating the socialist path of development and parties, movements that link the future of the country with the organization of life on the principles of capitalism, as well as on issues of the future image of the Soviet Union, the relationship between federal and republican bodies of state power and administration, sharply escalated. By the beginning of 1990- In the 1990s, perestroika led to an aggravation of the crisis in all spheres of society and to the collapse of the USSR.

Conclusion

MS Gorbachev announced the need to get out of the stagnation and began the process of "perestroika". Perestroika led to significant changes in the life of the country and the world as a whole (glasnost, political pluralism, the end of the Cold War). During perestroika, numerous facts of the monstrous crimes of the Stalinist regime were made public.

Gorbachev was one of the first in the Soviet party leadership to realize the need for global changes in the life of the country, but how to implement them, how to reform the huge clumsy colossus called the Soviet Union, he had a rather vague idea, so many of his undertakings were doomed. Nevertheless, Gorbachev's merits as a state and political figure are undeniable. Gorbachev was the first and last president of the USSR.

It is naive to believe that those leaders who gathered in December 1991. in Belovezhskaya Pushcha, predetermined the end of the USSR - the empire has outlived its usefulness. This main conclusion was made long before 1991. And the fact that for many the final frontier turned out to be unexpected only confirms the importance of studying the history of the country, whose rulers in every possible way prevented the world from learning the truth about Soviet society.

Speaking about the results of perestroika, it is necessary to clarify once again that there was a need for reforms. And the government of B.N. Yeltsin, to some extent, took advantage of the results of perestroika: democracy, a multi-party system, a policy of publicity, a course towards strengthening private property. Perhaps Gorbachev lacked political will, and Yeltsin succeeded in this plan. His policy is based on tough measures associated with a course of shock therapy and on strengthening his own positions with the use of legislative measures. Stabilization in the country failed. A course was taken towards privatization, which further divided the country into rich and poor.

Attention is drawn not only to the fact that the generation of Russians who grew up and socialized already in the post-Gorbachev era assesses perestroika much more positively than the generation of their fathers and grandfathers. The younger the respondents, the fewer among them those who believe that it was a mistake to start perestroika.

Literature

1. Materials of the April Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU. M., Politizdat, 1985.

2. F. Burlatsky "Notes of a Contemporary", M., 1989.

3. Decree of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Supreme Soviet of the USSR "On strengthening

fight against drunkenness and alcoholism”, M., 1985.

4. Materials of the January Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU. M., Politizdat, 1987.

6. Law of the USSR "On cooperatives", M., 1986.

7. Yegor Gaidar "The State and Evolution", 1998.

8. Mikhail Geller "The Seventh Secretary: 1985-1990"

9. Mikhail Geller "Russia at the Crossroads: 1990-1995"

10. N.V. Zagladin "History of the Fatherland", M., Russian Word, 2003.

11. O.V. Volobuev "Russia and the World", M., Bustard, 2005.

1. perestroika in USSR (2)

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   Beyond recognition. Stages perestroika. perestroika can be subdivided into... perestroika was the final stage of the Cold War, ending in the defeat USSR. ... A HISTORY REPORT ON THE TOPIC " RESTRUCTURING AT USSR". WORK PERFORMED: STUDENT OF GRADE 9...

2. perestroika in USSR attempts to reform the economy

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   perestroika in USSR: attempts to reform the economy. Character perestroika(1985-1991) was determined by the desire to reform ... Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU M. S. Gorbachev in USSR there comes a period perestroika and changes in the socio-economic system ...

3. Socio-political changes 1985 1991 Phenomenon perestroika. Decay USSR

   Abstract >> History

   Changes 1985 - 1991 Phenomenon perestroika". Decay USSR. RESTRUCTURING- the process of the beginning of the formation of democracy ... development in these years. Phenomenon perestroika

Introduction

reform perestroika gorbachev

In 1985-86 on the initiative of M.S. Gorbachev began the reform of the economic system of the USSR. However, the leadership of the USSR did not have a scientifically developed and politically substantiated concept of reform, which would reflect the initial positions, define tasks and goals, and a mechanism for solving economic problems. Gradually, changes in the conditions for the development of production and methods of managing the economy grew into a reform of the internal political structure and foreign policy of our state. Transformations in the socio-economic and socio-political spheres have gone beyond the limits outlined by "perestroika". They led to the disintegration of the Soviet state that had existed for more than seven decades.

The relevance of this topic today is due to the fact that even when the main actors of the perestroika period have already left the political scene, political and economic transformations in Russia continue. Achievements and mistakes of M.S. Gorbachev and his associates remains relevant even more than a decade after the start of reforms. While the reforms that followed the collapse of the then Soviet Union seemed to have failed, they nonetheless triumphed. Those complex issues and problems that exist in Russia at the present time become more understandable and understandable when considering the attempts to reform in the USSR in the second half of the 1980s.

In this work, my goal was to analyze and consider the logic of the ongoing historical phenomena and processes in 1985-1991.

The ultimate goal cannot be achieved without considering the main elements of the life of the last period of the existence of the USSR: 1) socio-economic reforms; 2) internal political transformations; 3). diametrical change in foreign policy.

Therefore, when studying the topic “Perestroika in the USSR”, it is necessary to solve the following tasks:

to consider the reasons and prerequisites for the start of reforms by M.S. Gorbachev;

study socio-economic reforms and identify the reasons for their failures;

describe the political reforms in the USSR, their unpreparedness and spontaneity;

analyze the main directions of the foreign policy of the USSR

evaluate the results and consequences of "perestroika" in the context of Russia's contemporary development.

As sources, I used the periodical literature of that time, namely the newspaper "Pravda" materials, the XXVII Congress of the CPSU, the plenums of the Central Committee of the CPSU, the XIX Party Conference, as well as books: M.S. Gorbachev "October and perestroika: the revolution continues" Perestroika and new thinking for our country and for the whole world .

The book of the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU M.S. Gorbachev is a reflection on perestroika, on the problems that the country is facing, on the scale of change, on the complexity, responsibility and originality of our time. A significant part of it is devoted to new political thinking, the philosophy of foreign policy. The memoirs of Gorbachev's assistants and associates were also used as sources.

Literature on which I relied when writing an essay tutorials, monographs and reference books. In textbooks for universities edited by A.F. Kiseleva, A.M. Shchagina and A.B. Bezborodov, the essence of internal political processes and reforms of Gorbachev's six-year rule is clearly and clearly stated. In the monographs of V.V. Sogrina, V.A. Pechenev considers perestroika in detail. Based on a deep analysis of the political and economic processes that took place in the USSR in the second half of the 1980s, the authors try to answer two of the most important questions of our time: was it necessary that M.S. Gorbachev radically reorganized the state and party systems of the USSR and who, how and why made the process of transformation irreversible? They use their own extensive archive of documents.

These sources provide more coverage of perestroika than others.

The practical significance lies in the fact that Gorbachev's perestroika began a chain of reforms in our society, which have not yet reached their logical conclusion. The attempt to reform the authoritarian Soviet state not only proved unsuccessful for the reformers themselves, but also led to the collapse of the USSR itself and brought suffering to hundreds of millions of people who lived in the Soviet empire. For us citizens of Russia, living at the beginning of the 21st century, it is important to understand what imprint perestroika leaves on modern Russia.

The chronological framework of the work covers the period from March 1985 to August 1991. The abstract consists of an introduction, the main part, which includes three sections, a conclusion, a list of references and references.

1. Restructuring in the socio-economic sphere

1 Socio-economic reforms and their consequences

The main reason for the start of reforms in the USSR was undoubtedly the difficult economic situation that had developed in the country since the early 1980s. The first attempts to carry out economic reforms belonged to Yu.V. Andropov. He tried to strengthen labor discipline, began the fight against theft and corruption. Andropov's activity led to only a slight short-term effect. The Soviet system was in the grip of a structural crisis, but the Soviet leadership did not realize this.

On March 11, 1985, M.S., the youngest member of the Politburo, was elected General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU. Gorbachev. Gorbachev was a nominee of Yu.V. Andropov. The head of state, unlike L.I. Brezhnev and K.U. Chernenko, had reliable information about the economic situation in the country. Unlike most leaders of the highest Soviet nomenklatura, he was aware of the need for radical socio-economic and political reforms. At the same time, Gorbachev understood that it was impossible to solve economic problems with the help of forceful methods - "tightening the screws". In terms of personality, Gorbachev also differed significantly from previous Soviet leaders.

A number of foreign policy reasons also contributed to the deterioration of the economic situation.

By 1985, the external debt of the USSR exceeded $31 billion. The size of the debt gave rise to a number of problems. It was getting harder and harder to find new lenders. The latter demanded ever higher interest rates. And finally, the debt had to be serviced annually, i.e. pay interest on previous loans.

The second major foreign policy problem for the Soviet leadership was the sharp drop in world prices for oil and petroleum products. In the mid 1980s. prices for crude oil produced in the USSR have reached an extremely low level - about 8 dollars per barrel. The Soviet economy was largely dependent on the export of energy resources, in particular crude oil. As a result, export earnings from the sale of oil fell sharply.

The third important foreign policy factor that influenced the deterioration of the economic situation was the active military campaign in Afghanistan. According to some estimates, it annually cost the economy 3-4 billion dollars. At the same time, the Afghan adventure "pushed" Western loans and the flow of new Western technologies from the USSR. It also had a negative effect on the Soviet economy.

Fourth, in 1983, US President Ronald Reagan put forward the idea of ​​a "Strategic Defense Initiative" (SDI), or "Star Wars" - space systems that could protect the United States from a nuclear strike. This program was carried out in circumvention of the ABM treaty. The USSR did not have the technical capabilities to create the same system. Although the US was also far from successful in this area and the idea of ​​SDI was intended to force the USSR to waste resources, the Soviet leaders took it seriously. At the cost of great effort, the Buran space system was created, capable of neutralizing SDI elements.

Thus, there was a situation that the Soviet government did not have sufficient foreign exchange funds to import the necessary consumer goods (TNP) and food, which were produced in insufficient quantities in the Soviet Union.

Despite the deteriorating economic situation in the mid-80s. the Soviet leadership did not form a coherent program of socio-economic transformations. There was only a certain concept of reforms. In accordance with it, the fundamental foundations of the Soviet economy - planning, directive management, subsidization of certain industries were preserved. In addition to state ownership, it was planned to widely develop cooperative ownership. The independence of enterprises was to increase significantly.

The economic transformation of the Gorbachev era went through three stages. stage (1985 - 1986) - the stage of "acceleration of socio-economic development." The main idea was that socialism has huge untapped resources, it is necessary to put them into action and make a breakthrough in competition with the West. stage (1987-1989) - the stage of economic liberalization. Introduction of elements of a market economy. The goal is to combine a planned economy with a market economy. stage (1990-1991) - unsuccessful attempts to carry out market reforms.

In April 1985, at the plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU, it was recognized that the economy of the USSR was in a difficult situation. Gorbachev proclaimed the course of "all-round intensification of production based on the introduction of the achievements of scientific and technological progress, the improvement of planning and management, the strengthening of organization, discipline and order in all sectors of the economy." The "human factor" was declared the main element of the new policy.

In May 1985, the "Food Program" was adopted, according to which there should have been an improvement in the provision of Soviet people with basic foodstuffs.

At the same time (May 1985) the famous anti-alcohol campaign was launched. It was led by Gorbachev's ally - the secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU for ideology, E.K. Ligachev. On May 7, 1985, the resolution of the Central Committee of the CPSU "On measures to overcome drunkenness and alcoholism" was adopted. It noted that the economy is suffering enormous losses due to absenteeism and drunkenness in the workplace. The immoderate consumption of alcoholic beverages was one of the main causes of early death among men of working age. It was envisaged to annually reduce the production of vodka and alcoholic beverages, by 1988 to completely stop the production of fruit and berry wines. Alcoholic beverages were sold to persons over the age of 21.

The anti-alcohol campaign led to a positive effect. The consumption of alcohol per capita has decreased, the mortality of people of working age has decreased, and the average life expectancy has increased.

At the same time, home brewing, the consumption of non-edible alcohol-containing liquids and chemicals increased. There were problems with the provision of sugar in the country, the quality of bread deteriorated due to the lack of yeast, there was a shortage of alcohol in medical institutions. In 1987 alone, 11,000 people died due to the consumption of alcohol substitutes. State budget in 1985-87 received 37 billion rubles less in taxes from the production of alcohol. In autumn 1988 the anti-alcohol campaign was curtailed.

In February 1986, at the 17th Congress of the CPSU, the question was correctly posed: "Turn production towards the consumer and activate the human factor." But appeals alone were indispensable: only one-seventh of the main production assets were involved in the production of consumer goods. And the government started a small-scale industrialization - in order to eventually modernize the backward light industry. Then they reduced the purchase of consumer goods and threw hard currency on the purchase of equipment abroad. The result is minimal. Part of the equipment remained in warehouses and in the open air due to the lack of production space. Entire production lines were idle due to improper operation, lack of spare parts, poor quality of raw materials. All this, however, ended in failure already at the first stage: billions of state investments in basic industries disappeared without a trace in the general bedlam - the light industry did not wait for new equipment, materials, technologies.

Internal subjective factors also contributed to the deterioration of the situation in the economy.

During his trips abroad, Gorbachev refused to use local cars. “Each foreign trip required up to twenty ZIL-115 vehicles to be delivered to the country of visit. Under them, seven IL-76 transport aircraft were needed. At the same time, visits were made all over the world (Washington, Havana, Delhi, etc.) ... On the other hand, the number of delegation members increased each time, ... reached 400-500 people, which also required at least five to six aircraft ... Usually, two planes were allocated for the delegation headed by Brezhnev.

April 1986 there was an accident at the Chernobyl nuclear power plant. According to the most minimal estimates, more than 20 billion rubles were required to eliminate the consequences of the explosion.

By the beginning of 1987, it became clear to Gorbachev that the reform of the economy was marking time. This was due to the fact that the reform was supposed to be carried out by Soviet party officials, who did not need it, since they lived in a different reality compared to ordinary citizens of the USSR (special shops, special clinics, resort services, special dachas, personal drivers and other personnel, etc.). .d.). Officials did not understand the goals of the reforms and did not want to lose their influence.

Gorbachev declares the need to introduce self-financing, self-sufficiency at state enterprises. The law "On the state enterprise (association)" was adopted. The head of state urged to increase the output of consumer goods at heavy industry enterprises in general, and at factories of the military-industrial complex in particular. It was in January 1987 at the plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU that Gorbachev first uttered the term "perestroika". "Perestroika is a decisive overcoming of stagnant mechanisms and a breakdown of the braking mechanism, the creation of an effective acceleration mechanism based on the creativity of the masses, the development of democracy and self-government, and the expansion of glasnost."

But the economic independence of enterprises was limited by the planned administrative system of the economy as a whole. Freedom turned into only the right to uncontrolled spending of public funds and led to inflation in prices, a reduction in production volumes. At the same time, the growth of earnings did not affect the output of final consumer products in any way, since the money was paid not only to producers of goods, but to everyone else without exception.

Gorbachev's ideas about economics were largely mythological. In November 1987, he declares that it is necessary to return "the Leninist concept of building socialism." In this regard, the idea of ​​mass development of cooperation, taken from the work of V.I. Lenin "On cooperation". In the USSR, it is proposed to develop new forms of economy, especially in the service sector and the production of consumer goods - cooperatives, various forms of leasing state property, and individual labor activity is allowed. Gorbachev goes on to state that "it is necessary to develop new forms of socialist property."

But already in 1988 it became clear that the "perestroika" of the economy did not contribute to a real improvement in the situation. And then Gorbachev convenes the XIX party conference (June 28 - July 1, 1988). In his speech, he states that “the previous system of mandatory tasks in terms of production volume has been preserved, the production of goods that are not in demand by consumers continues. The economy continues in many ways to move along an extensive path.

Gorbachev brings to the attention of the participants that since 1989 all enterprises must switch to self-supporting and self-sufficient: "... various forms of contracting and leasing should be developed, a wide network of cooperatives should be created, attempts to command collective farms and state farms should be immediately stopped."

The "radial economic reform" was actually poorly implemented. It was a reform mostly "on paper". According to official data, the growth of industrial production in 1986-88. amounted to 2.8% annually, in 1989 - 2.4%, and in 1990 there was a drop in industrial production by 2%. And at the same time, changes in the structure of industrial management actually lead to its chaos.21 Already in 1988, serious problems began to arise with the provision of the population with food and consumer goods. In 1989, the card-voucher system for individual products began to be introduced, in 1990-91. it covers dozens of food and non-food items. Gradually, the consumer goods market is captured by cooperative producers. The activities of small private producers lead to speculation and price increases. In fact, cooperators and individual entrepreneurs pay almost no taxes to the state, since there is no tax collection mechanism. The place of the state is occupied by gangs of racketeers.

In 1990, the head of the government, N. Ryzhkov, was forced to admit that the country's economy was in a deep crisis. In his report on May 24, 1990, at the session of the Supreme Council, he admitted that over 4 months of 1990, production volumes decreased by 19% compared to the level of the previous year in Azerbaijan, Armenia - 9%, Georgia - 8%, etc. . The government is forced to buy 27 million tons of grain in 1990. Due to strikes and ethnic conflicts in 1989, 7 million man-days were lost, and in 4 months of 1990 - 9.5 million.22 The deficit of the USSR state budget in 1990 amounted to 58.1 billion rubles.

At the same time, in 1990, inflation was actively developing. Initially, it was generated by the “social orientation” of the reforms. Since 1985, the state began to increase wages and various social benefits. Thus, there was an increase in the money supply, while the number of goods in the domestic market remained practically unchanged. The weakening of the ruble led to an increase in natural exchange - barter transactions, which in turn reduced the collection of taxes. In this situation, the "Concept of transition to a regulated market economy" was put forward. Its developers were N. Ryzhkov and V. Pavlov. It provided for a slow transition to a market economy with the dominance of state ownership and strict state control in the economy. A number of laws were adopted that made it possible to build a market economy: the “Property Law”, which allowed private property, the “Banking Law”, which allowed the creation of private and joint-stock banks, and the “Law on Investment Activities”. In 1991, the final collapse of the planned economy took place. To slow down the development of inflationary processes; inflation in 1991 reached 10% per month, the government headed by V. Pavlov April 1, 1991 announced a monetary reform. However, this measure proved to be ineffective. In the fall of 1990, Western countries began to deliver humanitarian aid to the USSR. They stopped only in 2000 with the election of V.V. Putin. In practice, these deliveries helped to destroy the little competitive economy of the USSR and Russia.

To be fair, it should be noted that in 1991 market mechanisms still began to operate with difficulty. The first joint-stock companies, large private enterprises arise; Soviet co-operators are gradually turning into an entrepreneurial class. Mafia groups and corrupt Soviet officials began to carry out the division of entire sectors of the economy. Moreover, even a part of the country's gold and foreign exchange reserves was plundered. Thus, unemployment increased, and the impoverishment of the main part of the population reached its extreme limit, the black market flourished. These were the results of an ill-conceived and spontaneous economic policy.

2. Political transformations in society

1 Democratization of the political system

reform perestroika gorbachev

After coming to power in 1985, M. Gorbachev did not plan to reform the political system of the USSR. The 27th Congress of the CPSU, held in February 1986, was held under the old slogan "The CPSU is the guiding force of Soviet society." At the congress, a new version of the party program was adopted, in which the main goal was "the comprehensive and systematic improvement of socialism and the further advancement of Soviet society towards communism."

The reforms were reduced to reshuffles in the upper echelons of power. In September 1985, N. Ryzhkov became chairman of the Council of Ministers, and E. Shevardnadze was appointed minister of foreign affairs. By the beginning of 1987, 70% of the members of the Politburo, 60% of the secretaries of regional party organizations were replaced (in particular, in 1985, E. Stroev became the 1st secretary of the Oryol regional committee of the CPSU), 40% of the members of the Central Committee of the CPSU. Representatives of the "Brezhnev guard" - N. Tikhonov, G. Romanov, V. Grishin, V. Shcherbitsky, D. Kunaev, G. Aliyev - were removed from political activity. In February 1986, B. Yeltsin was transferred from Sverdlovsk to the post of 1st Secretary of the Moscow Party Organization of the CPSU, which was the largest in the country.

The coming to power of M. Gorbachev against the backdrop of the rule of L. Brezhnev, Yu. Andropov, K. Chernenko was enthusiastically received by the people, and in particular by the intelligentsia. The people expressed confidence in the new leadership. Weakened censorship. People were not afraid of political persecution and openly expressed their views. Even traditional Soviet holidays and party events began to take on a different hue. M Gorbachev showed himself to be a modern leader. At official state receptions, he began to appear with his wife, R. Gorbacheva, who was his comrade-in-arms and assistant. The last wife of the Soviet leader, whom the Soviet people knew about in the mid-1980s. was the wife of V. Lenin - N. Krupskaya. The head of state began to make trips around the country, during which he held meetings with people, suddenly stopping his escort. M. Gorbachev played a completely different role than the former leaders of the USSR. But the power was still in the hands of the nomenklatura, the system of government remained command-administrative.

In January 1987, a plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU was held, after which a new term "perestroika" appeared in the political lexicon. At the plenum, decisions were made to increase the role of the mass media, and the policy of "glasnost" was proclaimed. The press at first criticized certain shortcomings of the Soviet system, but very quickly grew bolder and began to express dissatisfaction with the Soviet system as a whole, relying on the slogan: "getting rid of the deformations of socialism", "returning to Leninist norms." In September 1987, the “Commission for the Rehabilitation of Victims of Political Repressions” was created, under the leadership of A. Yakovlev. He became the ideologist of glasnost, "the true architect of perestroika." One of the new ideas was the "democratization of Soviet society." A. Yakovlev promoted "democratic socialism", the diversity of its models, insisted on the priority of "universal values ​​over class ones."

Literary, artistic and socio-political magazines gained immense popularity, for example, Novy Mir (chief editor S. Zalygin), Znamya (G. Baklanov), Ogonyok (V. Korotich), Our Contemporary ( V. Vikulov). Within a short time, many previously banned works were published, for example, M. Bulgakov's "Heart of a Dog", A. Platonov's "Pit". A. Solzhenitsyn "The Gulag Archipelago", L. Zamyatina "We" and others. The circulation of publications increased tenfold.

M. Gorbachev liked to call his policy a new "revolution". For example, his report in honor of the 70th anniversary of the "October Socialist Revolution" was called "October and perestroika: the revolution continues." But the "democratization" of society as a whole turned into the removal of the old bureaucracy from power and the emergence of a new one. At the same time, "glasnost" sowed among the people doubts about socialism as a system.

Instead of the previous ideas of “accelerating” and “improving socialism”, thoughts about the need for a radical market reform began to take root in the public mind. The ideas of combining market and socialist economies were especially popularized by publicists and economists V. Selyunin, A. Nuikin, P. Bunich, G. Popov, N. Shmelev, O. Bogomolov, L. Abalkin. They proposed moving to self-supporting socialism, which was based on the principles of self-financing, self-sufficiency and self-management of enterprises.

The transition to the construction of "self-supporting socialism" seriously influenced the ideology of reforms. Instead of the slogan "priority of universal human values", the concepts of "parliamentarism", "rule of law", "separation of powers", "market", "private property" began to be introduced.

The new doctrine was embodied in the decisions of the XIX All-Union Party Conference (June 28 - July 1, 1988). M. Gorbachev connected the economic failures with the conservatism of the party apparatus, the command-administrative system, and the bureaucracy. Hence the conclusion was drawn - the mechanism of government should be democratized. The conference ended with the victory of M. Gorbachev and his supporters. 6 resolutions were adopted: “On the implementation of the decisions of the XXVII Congress of the CPSU and the tasks of deepening perestroika”, “On the democratization of Soviet society and the reform of the political system”, “On the fight against bureaucracy”, “On interethnic relations”, “On glasnost”, “ About legal reform. It was decided to elect the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, which consisted of 2250 people. Two-thirds of the deputies were elected by the people from territorial and national-territorial districts, and one-third from public organizations (CPSU, VLKSM, TRADE UNIONS, SCIENTIFIC, CREATIVE ORGANIZATIONS). The congress had to make the most important decisions. The delegates formed a permanent parliament - a bicameral Supreme Soviet, numbering from 450 to 540 deputies.

In 1987-88 among the reformers, there continued to be faith in the ability of the Communist Party to lead the transformation. Almost all well-known reformers were well-known party workers, while others (for example, A. Sobchak, S. Stankevich) joined the CPSU.

2.2 The controversial nature of the reforms and their consequences

In December 1988, an extraordinary session of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR introduced amendments and additions to the Constitution of the USSR, which legitimized the new system of state authorities and the principle of alternativeness in the election of people's deputies in the center and in the regions.

A split among the supporters of reforms occurred during the election campaign in the winter-spring of 1989. During the elections, a large number of so-called "informal" movements and groups appeared and became more active. They appeared back in 1988. In May 1988, the Democratic Union of V. Novodvorskaya proclaimed itself an opposition party to the communists. At the same time, a draft “program of the Social Democratic Party” was created, which served as the basis for the emergence in the spring of 1990 of the Liberal Democratic Party of the USSR by V. Zhirinovsky. In April 1988, the People's Fronts of Estonia, Latvia, "Sajudis" in Lithuania arise.

The election campaign took place in a new way, involving people in political activities. For the first time since the early 1920s. there was a struggle between candidates for deputies, rallies, television debates began to take place, sociological surveys were conducted. Political and discussion clubs arose, for example, the Moscow Tribune. 1451 candidates ran for deputies in 750 territorial constituencies, 1419 candidates in 750 territorial-national constituencies, 871 candidates competed for 750 deputy mandates from public organizations. Elections were held on March 26, 1989. They were attended by 172 million, or almost 90% of all voters. It should be recognized that if in the big cities there really was a sharp political struggle, then in the provinces democratic elections were perceived by many as a mere formality.

The congress formed the Supreme Council, which consisted of two chambers (the Council of the Union and the Council of Nationalities). The new parliament included 542 deputies. M. Gorbachev became the head of the Presidium of the Supreme Council, A. Lukyanov became his deputy. At the congress, the first organizational parliamentary opposition, the Interregional Deputy Group (MDG), was formed. It included Yu. Afanasiev, A. Sobchak, G. Popov, Yu. Chernichenko, B. Yeltsin. Academician A. Sakharov was the spiritual leader of the group.

During the discussions, radical deputies criticized M. Gorbachev's policy. They accused the government of being indecisive, of delaying the transition to a market economy, and of deteriorating the social situation in the country (rising prices, introducing a ration card system). In the political sphere, it was proposed to introduce the institution of a president elected by direct voting and holding referendums on the most important issues in the life of the country. A. Sakharov suggested signing a new union treaty between the republics, according to which the USSR became a confederation, not a federation. The Democrats actively supported the demands of the deputies from the Baltic republics on the creation of a "Commission for the Political and Legal Evaluation of the Soviet-German Treaties of 1939 and Their Consequences."

M. Gorbachev's positions became more vulnerable due to the deterioration of the socio-economic situation in the country and the interethnic conflicts that arose. At the same time, he began to lose control over the situation, as he actively took part in the work of the Supreme Council, actually acting as speaker, and did not rule the state.

In December 1989, the II Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR took place. The most heated discussion unfolded over Article 6 of the Constitution, according to which the CPSU was the leading and guiding force in the life of society. A. Sakharov made a call to abolish Article 6. And a few days after the performance, on December 14, he suddenly died. B. Yeltsin became the new leader of the MDG and the entire democratic opposition. M. Gorbachev managed to reject the discussion of the 6th article of the Constitution at the congress. Trying to seize the political initiative, in early 1990 he himself announced the need to abolish Article 6 of the Constitution to develop a new CPSU Program, which recognized political pluralism, a multi-party system, and a mixed economy.

In the winter-spring of 1990, the radical democrats unite before the elections to the local Soviets. They see that it is impossible for them to get a majority in the union parliament, so their main task is to win the elections in Russia, so that by declaring its sovereignty, remove the union center from real power. On January 21-22, 1990, the Democratic Russia movement was created. In parallel with it, the "Democratic Platform in the CPSU" appeared. Its organizers were the rector of the MVPSH V. Shostakovsky and the teacher of scientific communism V. Lysenko, but the key positions in it were occupied by B. Yeltsin and N. Travkin. The creation of the "Democratic Platform" was aimed at turning the CPSU into a party of a parliamentary type.

In March 1990, elections were held to the Soviets of People's Deputies in the RSFSR and a number of other republics. The Democratic Russia bloc received about 25% of the vote and formed a powerful faction in the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR.

In March 1990, the Third Extraordinary Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR opened. Two important decisions were made at it: the 6th article of the Constitution was canceled, a decision was made to introduce the post of President of the USSR. At the congress, there was a discussion about how to elect the president of the USSR: by direct vote of voters or by indirect delegates to the congress. Representatives of the national republics, who were not satisfied with the elections by popular vote, spoke for the election of the president at the congress. The election of the president in popular elections gave him great powers. This also did not suit B. Yeltsin and his supporters.

As a result, the only real candidate, M. Gorbachev, was elected to the post of President of the USSR at the III Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR on March 14, 1990. More than 60% of the congress delegates voted for him.

In May - June 1990, the 1st Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR took place. On June 12, a declaration on the state sovereignty of the Russian Federation was adopted. The declaration established the supremacy of the laws of Russia over the laws of the Union, and at the same time provided for the possibility of suspending the laws of the USSR on the territory of the RSFSR. B. Yeltsin was elected chairman of the Supreme Council, R. Khasbulatov, B. Isaev, S. Goryacheva were elected as his deputies, and I. Silaev was elected head of government.

On May 30, 1990, the day after his election to the post of head of the Russian parliament, Yeltsin announced at a press conference that Russia would soon become independent in everything and its laws would be higher than those of the Union.

Following Russia, declarations of sovereignty were adopted within a few months by Uzbekistan, Moldova, Ukraine, Belarus, Turkmenistan, Armenia, Tajikistan and Kazakhstan. While it was a question of sovereignty within the USSR.

The sovereignization of Russia marked the beginning of the conclusion of bilateral agreements of the republics, bypassing the union agreement. In public opinion, negative public opinion is actively formed in relation to the union structures. At the same time, economic processes began to play a huge role. In the process of transition to market relations, local party elites urgently needed to gain as much sovereignty as possible in order to transfer state property under their control.

At the same time, on December 24, 1990, the 4th Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR decided to hold an all-Union referendum on the preservation of the USSR, and on January 16, 1991, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR adopted a resolution on organizing a referendum.

On March 1991, the question submitted to the referendum was formulated as follows: “Do you consider it necessary to preserve the USSR as a renewed federation of equal sovereign republics, in which the rights and freedoms of a person of any nationality will be fully guaranteed.”

On April 1991, a meeting of the leaders of 9 republics and Gorbachev took place at the presidential residence in Novo-Ogaryovo. It said that in order to overcome the crisis, the first priority was to sign a new Union Treaty. The joint statement said that no later than 6 months after the signing of the treaty, a new Constitution of the USSR would be adopted.

May in Novo-Ogaryovo, the first meeting of the Preparatory Committee to work on the draft of a new union treaty took place. The meeting was attended by the leaders of all the union and autonomous republics. On June 17, the Preparatory Committee completed the preparation of the text of the new treaty. The republics were declared "full members of the international community", had the right to freely secede from the Union. They could suspend the Union laws, independently determine the state languages.

The text actually meant the collapse of both the USSR and the Russian Federation, whose constitution was not mentioned in the text of the union treaty. The signing of the agreement was planned for August 20, 1991.

Thus, we can conclude that M. Gorbachev lost real power and control over the political situation in the country long before the events of August 18-22, 1991. It is unlikely that democratic reforms in the USSR could end successfully in a country where there are no democratic traditions. The political structure of Russia, which can be defined as an "illusory democracy", and the political life in Russia in the past few years is the clearest confirmation of this.

3. Foreign policy restructuring

1 End of the Cold War

With the beginning of perestroika, serious changes took place in the foreign policy of the USSR. The economic crisis in which the USSR found itself put the question of "savings on foreign policy" on the agenda. Despite the fact that the possibilities of such savings were exaggerated, the reforms that began in the USSR led to the end of the Cold War in 1987-1990. It was also envisaged to improve relations with capitalist countries on the basis of equality and openness - the concept of "new political thinking".

This concept proclaimed the rejection of class-ideological confrontation, proceeded from the thesis of a diverse, but interdependent and integral world. In the system of interconnected states, all global problems: nuclear disarmament, ecology, medicine, etc. could only be decided jointly, based on the recognition of: a) the priority of universal human values ​​over class ones; b) transition from confrontation to dialogue as the main form of international relations; c) deideologization of international relations; d) strict respect for the right of every people to freely choose their own destiny;) understanding of the impossibility of a military solution to interstate disputes and the search for a balance of interests.

In the statement of M.S. Gorbachev of January 15, 1986, in the Delhi Declaration signed by him (November 1986), in a speech at the XXVII Congress of the CPSU, the recognition by the Soviet leadership of the priority of universal human values ​​over class values, commitment to new political thinking, peaceful resolution of conflicts, disarmament. “The course of history and social progress increasingly requires the establishment of constructive, creative interaction between states and peoples on a global scale,” Gorbachev said at the 27th Congress of the CPSU.

In November 1985, Gorbachev met with Reagan in Geneva and proposed a significant reduction in nuclear weapons in Europe. It was still impossible to solve the problem, because Gorbachev demanded the abolition of SDI, and Reagan did not concede. The American president promised that when the research was successful, the US would "open its laboratories to the Soviets," but Gorbachev did not believe him. “They say, believe us, that if the Americans are the first to implement SDI, they will share it with the Soviet Union. I said then: Mr. President, I urge you, believe us, we have already declared this, that we will not be the first to use nuclear weapons and we will not be the first to attack the United States of America. Why are you, while maintaining all the offensive potential on land and under water, are still going to launch an arms race in space? You don't believe us? Turns out you don't believe me. And why should we trust you more than you trust us?” Despite the fact that no significant progress was achieved at this meeting, the two presidents got to know each other better, which helped them to agree in the future.

However, after the meeting in Geneva, relations between the USSR and the USA deteriorated again. The USSR supported Libya in its conflict with the United States. The United States refused to comply with the SALT agreements, which were carried out even during the confrontation years of 1980-1984. It was the last wave of the Cold War. The "cooling" in international relations dealt a blow to the plans of Gorbachev, who put forward a large-scale disarmament program and seriously counted on the economic effect of the conversion, which, as it later became clear, dealt a huge lesson to the country's defense capability. Already in the summer, both sides began to probe the possibilities for holding a "second Geneva", which took place in October 1986 in Reykjavik. Here, Gorbachev tried to call Reagan for reciprocal concessions by proposing large-scale reductions in nuclear weapons, but “in a package” with the rejection of SDI, but the American president refused to cancel SDI and even feigned indignation at the linkage of the two problems: “Already after all, or almost all, as it seemed to me, it was decided, Gorbachev threw a feint. With a smile on his face, he said, "But it all depends, of course, on whether you give up SDI." As a result, the meeting in Reykjavik actually ended in nothing. But Reagan realized that the way to improve international relations was not through pressure on the USSR, but through mutual concessions. Gorbachev's strategy was crowned with the illusion of success - the United States agreed to freeze the non-existent SDI until the end of the century.

In 1986, the US administration abandoned the frontal offensive against the USSR, which ended in failure. However, the financial pressure on the USSR was increased, the United States, in exchange for various concessions, persuaded the authorities of Saudi Arabia to sharply increase oil production and reduce world oil prices. As a result, the Soviet Union's export earnings, which depended on oil prices, began to decline rapidly.

After an unsuccessful meeting in Reykjavik in 1986, the two presidents finally reached an agreement in Washington in December 1987 to withdraw US and Soviet intermediate-range missiles from Europe. The "new thinking" has triumphed. The world was moving towards the end of the Cold War.

The major crisis that led to the resumption of the Cold War in 1979 is a thing of the past. It was followed by other "fronts" of the Cold War, including the main one - the European one.

In December 1988, Gorbachev announced to the UN that he was unilaterally reducing the army. In February 1989, Soviet troops were withdrawn from Afghanistan.

In December 1989, off the coast of Malta, Gorbachev and US President George W. Bush were able to discuss the actual end of the Cold War. Bush promised to make efforts to extend the most favored nation treatment in US trade to the USSR, which would not have been possible if the Cold War had continued. Despite the persistence of disagreements over the situation in some countries, including the Baltics, the atmosphere of the Cold War is a thing of the past. Explaining the principles of the “new thinking” to Bush, Gorbachev said: “The main principle that we have adopted and follow within the framework of the new thinking is the right of each country to a free choice, including the right to revise or change the choice originally made. It's very painful, but it's a fundamental right. The right to choose without outside interference.”

In the summer of 1991, an agreement was signed on a significant reduction in strategic offensive weapons. A few months later, the parties exchanged new disarmament initiatives. In March 1989, during Mikhail Gorbachev's visit to the People's Republic of China, Soviet-Chinese relations were normalized. In early 1991, during the Persian Gulf War, the USSR, together with the countries of the world community, condemned the actions of Iraq. For many decades, this was the first time that the USSR took the side of the leading countries of the world against its former allies, although it did not take part in hostilities.

In the summer of 1991, for the first time, the Soviet president was also invited to the annual traditional meeting of the leaders of the seven leading countries. The meeting discussed measures to assist the USSR in overcoming the economic crisis and transition to a market economy. The worsening domestic economic situation forced the Soviet leadership to make large, often one-sided, concessions to the West in the hope of obtaining economic assistance and political support.

2 New relations with socialist countries and their consequences

M.S. Gorbachev was the first to advocate the deideologization of foreign policy. With the preservation of socialism in the USSR and the countries of Central Europe, the deideologization of international relations meant in practice the rejection of claims for permissiveness using forceful methods, tolerance for dissent, recognition of the country's right to free choice. In favor of de-ideologization, the Soviet political leadership assumed that the US administration and its allies would also build their policy in accordance with universal ideals, recognize the end of the Cold War, and abandon attempts to "throw socialism into the dustbin of history."

Speaking at the UN at the end of 1988, Gorbachev announced the intention of the USSR to withdraw parts of the Soviet troops from the GDR, Czechoslovakia, Poland and Hungary by the beginning of the 1990s. This statement, as well as hopes that the USSR would not dare to intervene militarily, gave hope to the Eastern European opposition in the determination to take power. During 1989-1990. “Velvet revolutions” swept through the countries of Eastern Europe, during mass anti-communist demonstrations, pro-Soviet regimes fell in Hungary (October 1989), Czechoslovakia (November 1989), Bulgaria and Romania (December 1989), the unification movement began to gain strength in Germany (November 1989 - the Berlin Wall was destroyed), etc.

In July 1990, an agreement on the conclusion of an alliance between the GDR and the FRG came into force. The USSR undertook obligations before the end of 1994 to withdraw its troops stationed in East Germany. And in October 1990, it was announced that M.S. Gorbachev Nobel Peace Prize.

Reforms based on "neoliberal" ideas, close to Western neoconservatism and neo-globalism, have begun in the countries of Eastern Europe. The reforms were carried out hastily, without a plan and preparation, which led to a painful breakdown of society. They were called "shock therapy" because it was believed that after a short "shock" relief would come. Western countries provided some financial support for these reforms, as a result, Eastern Europe managed to create a market economy on the Western model.

The new governments of the countries of Eastern Europe demanded the speedy withdrawal of Soviet troops from their territory. The USSR by that time had neither the opportunity nor the desire to maintain its military presence there. In 1990, the withdrawal of troops began, which resembled a hasty evacuation. Army formations were withdrawn as soon as possible against the backdrop of anti-Soviet hysteria. At the same time, some of them were disbanded, others were transferred to completely undeveloped new places of deployment.

Since 1991, the USSR switched to settlements with CMEA member countries at world prices and in freely convertible currency.

All these circumstances predetermined the collapse of the military-political and economic organizations controlled by the USSR. In July 1991, the Warsaw Pact (July 1) and the Comecon (July 28) were dissolved. NATO remains the only powerful military force in Europe.

The USSR briefly outlived the military bloc it created. In August 1991, as a result of an unsuccessful attempt by the leaders of the USSR to establish an authoritarian regime (the so-called GKChP), real power passed from Gorbachev to the President of the Russian Federation Boris Yeltsin and the leaders of the republics of the USSR. The Baltic States withdrew from the Union. In December 1991, in order to consolidate their success in the struggle for power, the leaders of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus signed an agreement in Belovezhskaya Pushcha on the dissolution of the USSR.

The almost exact coincidence of the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union has sparked a worldwide debate about the connection between these phenomena. Perhaps the end of the Cold War is the result of the collapse of the USSR and, therefore, the United States won this "war". However, by the time the USSR collapsed, the Cold War had already ended - a few years before this event. Considering that the missile crisis was resolved in 1987, an agreement on Afghanistan was concluded in 1988, and Soviet troops were withdrawn from this country in February 1989, and socialist governments disappeared in 1989 in almost all countries of Eastern Europe, then we can talk about the continuation of the Cold War after 1990 is not necessary. The problems that caused the aggravation of international tension not only in 1979-1980, but also in 1946-1947 were removed. Already in 1990, the level of relations between the USSR and Western countries returned to the state before the Cold War, and it was remembered only in order to proclaim its end, as President D. Bush did when he announced victory in the Cold War after the collapse of the USSR and Presidents B. Yeltsin and D. Bush, announcing its termination in 1992. These propaganda statements do not remove the fact that in 1990-1991 the signs of the Cold War had already disappeared. The end of the Cold War and the collapse of the USSR have a common cause - the crisis of state socialism in the USSR.

Conclusion

Having considered the main economic and political transformations in the era of perestroika, we can proceed to consider its results and results.

I will try to explain what I meant by the historical term "perestroika". In a broad sense: perestroika is a set of state-legal, political and social phenomena and processes associated with reforms and the destruction of state-legal and socio-political institutions of the USSR. Perestroika is a large-scale conscious attempt to reform the social system in the USSR, undertaken on the initiative of the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU M. Gorbachev in 1985. In essence, this is a certain system of measures of a revolutionary and reformist nature carried out by M. Gorbachev (April 1985 - August 1991) and conceived with the aim of "renovating socialism", giving it a "second wind". Having changed society, widely introducing freedom of the press and glasnost, ideological and political pluralism, allowing a multi-party system and proclaiming the need for economic reforms, perestroika did not achieve its goal. Perestroika gave rise to a number of social processes that can be assessed in two ways, as an anti-totalitarian, post-communist, democratic revolution, or as the collapse of Russia and its transformation into a raw materials appendage of the developed countries of the world.

In 1990-1991, we certainly experienced a global geopolitical catastrophe. It was unexpected for most Soviet people. 1985-1991 - the end of communism. Open nomenklatura privatization begins, private property is legalized. The Soviet nomenclature is openly turning into capitalist oligarchs. Politically, all this is taking place against the background of the total defeat of the state, which completely lost the psychological and cold war both in the outside world and inside the country. The defeat ends with the collapse, the disappearance of the former powerful state of the USSR.

The economic catastrophe of "perestroika" was one of the most important factors of political destabilization, which led to the final collapse of the administrative-command control system - the basis of the Soviet national economy.

The collapse of perestroika, which led to the elimination of socialism in our country and the collapse of the USSR, gave rise to a long discussion on whether it was possible to avoid the catastrophe and reform the Soviet economy. Given the total dominance of Marxism and the lack of trained market economists by the beginning of perestroika (they will only appear in its course), Gorbachev, by and large, could only be blamed for some idealism and insufficient knowledge of the real mechanisms of the Soviet economy. Thus, the chance for a market reform of the USSR economy was in fact extremely small. Ultimately, the results of perestroika will be determined by history following the results of Russian reforms, liberal transformations in the economy according to the Western model of development, for which Gorbachev opened the way.

By opposing himself to the centuries-old Russian and Soviet experience, set out to free society from the political and economic dominance of the state, Gorbachev succeeded on this path much more than anyone could have imagined. He has brought Russia closer to a real democratic process than anyone has ever been before. He was able to convince the conservative elite of the need for a transition to the market and privatization.

In addition, unlike any other leader, tsarist or Soviet, Gorbachev offered to discuss the fate of the Russian Empire together with the peoples inhabiting it. And in doing all this, he managed to avoid major bloodshed, for which we must pay tribute to his belief that radical goals should be supported by centrist tactics and consensus.

Finally, Gorbachev achieved all this in spite of very serious opposition. Popular commentators blame him for not moving fast enough or taking more courageous steps. But leaders must be judged in light of the obstacles they have had to overcome. And there is plenty of evidence that Gorbachev's reforms - from the overhaul of the political and economic system to negotiations with the United States and the withdrawal from Afghanistan - met with real resistance from political forces at all levels in the party and state. The role that Gorbachev played in the history of our Motherland cannot yet be assessed.

Bibliographic list

1. Abalkin L.I. Unused chance. One and a half years in government. M., 1991

Gorbachev M.S. October and perestroika: the revolution continues, Moscow: 1987

Gorbachev M.S. Perestroika and new thinking for our country and for the whole world, - M., 1989

Grachev A. Gorbachev. M., 2001

History of Russia in modern times, 1945-2001: A textbook for universities / Ed. A.B. Bezborodova. - M.: AST, 2001

Medvedev V.A. In Gorbachev's team: an inside view. M., 1994

The latest history of the Fatherland: XX century, Textbook for universities in 2 volumes. T.2. / Ed. A.F. Kiseleva, E.M. Shchagin. - M.: VLADOS, 2002

Pechenev V.A. The rise and fall of Gorbachev: through the eyes of an eyewitness. M., 1996

Sogrin V.V. Political history of modern Russia. 1985-2001: from Gorbachev to Putin. M., 2001

Chernyaev A.S. Six years with Gorbachev. M., 1993

Shakhnazarov G.Kh. Price of freedom. Gorbachev's reformation through the eyes of his assistant. M., 1993

Shekhov N.A. Millennium of Russian history. - M.: Veche

Ministry of Education

Russian Federation

Vladimir State University

Department of Museology

Perestroika in the USSR 1985-1991

Vinogradova E.N.

student of group KZI-108

Head: Mentova L.F.

Vladimir 2008

Introduction

1. The main reasons and goals of perestroika

1.1. Reasons for perestroika

1.2. "We are waiting for changes…"

1.3. Goals of perestroika

2. Main events during the perestroika period

2.1. Chronology of events

2.1. movements

3. Main reforms carried out during perestroika

3.1. Anti-alcohol reform

3.2. Personnel reforms in the government

3.3. Public and social reforms

3.4. Reforms in foreign policy

3.5. Reforms of the political system of the USSR

3.6 Economic reform

4. The crisis of power and the collapse of the USSR

4.1. two presidents

4.2. Revolutionary turn in history

4.3. The collapse of the USSR and the formation of the CIS

5. Results of perestroika

Bibliography

Introduction

For my essay, I chose the topic "Perestroika in the USSR 1985-1991." This topic is close to me in that I was born during the period of perestroika, and its events also affected my family. Perestroika is a very high-profile period in the history of the USSR. The policy of perestroika, initiated by part of the leadership of the CPSU headed by Mikhail Gorbachev, led to significant changes in the life of the country and the world as a whole. In the course of perestroika, problems that had accumulated over decades were exposed, especially in the economy and the interethnic sphere. Added to all this were the mistakes and miscalculations made in the process of carrying out the reforms themselves. The political confrontation between the forces advocating the socialist path of development, parties and movements linking the future of the country with the organization of life on the principles of capitalism, as well as on issues of the future image of the Soviet Union, the relationship between union and republican bodies of state power and administration, sharply escalated. By the beginning of the 1990s, perestroika led to an aggravation of the crisis in all spheres of society and to the further disintegration of the USSR. The attitude of people to this historical stage is ambivalent. Some believe that perestroika is a way out of a difficult situation of stagnation, that changes were necessary, for better or worse, but it was necessary to change the system, its structure, and that changes could not be made due to the complex general state of affairs in international politics and on “internal fronts." Another opinion on this matter is that perestroika is the destruction of the Soviet Union and nothing more than that the leaders were driven by simple selfish considerations, and through all the ranting about the inefficiency of socialism, these selfish considerations were quite clearly visible. The initiators of perestroika wanted to put the money in their own pocket.

The main goal of my project is to try to prove that the consequences of perestroika are really the fruits of Gorbachev's ill-conceived plans, the haste of his actions.

1. The main reasons and goals of perestroika

1.1. Reasons for perestroika

By the beginning of the 1980s, the Soviet economic system had exhausted its possibilities for development and had gone beyond the boundaries of its historical time. Having carried out industrialization and urbanization, the command economy could not further carry out deep transformations covering all aspects of society. First of all, it turned out to be incapable in the radically changed conditions to ensure the proper development of productive forces, protect human rights, and maintain the country's international prestige. The USSR with its gigantic reserves of raw materials, industrious and selfless population lagged behind the West more and more. The Soviet economy was not up to the increasing demands for the variety and quality of consumer goods. Industrial enterprises, not interested in scientific and technological progress, rejected up to 80% of new technical solutions and inventions. The growing inefficiency of the economy had a negative impact on the country's defense capability. In the early 1980s, the USSR began to lose competitiveness in the only industry in which it successfully competed with the West - in the field of military technology.

The economic base of the country ceased to correspond to the position of a great world power and needed urgent updating. At the same time, the enormous growth in the education and awareness of the people in the post-war period, the emergence of a generation that did not know hunger and repression, formed a higher level of material and spiritual needs of people, called into question the very principles underlying the Soviet totalitarian system. The very idea of ​​a planned economy failed. Increasingly, state plans were not carried out and were continuously redrawn, the proportions in the sectors of the national economy were violated. Achievements in health care, education, culture were lost.

The spontaneous degeneration of the system changed the entire way of life of Soviet society: the rights of managers and enterprises were redistributed, departmentalism and social inequality increased.

The nature of production relations within enterprises has changed, labor discipline has begun to fall, apathy and indifference, theft, disrespect for honest work, envy of those who earn more have become widespread. At the same time, non-economic coercion to work persisted in the country. The Soviet man, alienated from the distribution of the produced product, has turned into a performer who works not according to conscience, but under compulsion. The ideological motivation of labor developed in the post-revolutionary years weakened along with the belief in the imminent triumph of communist ideals.

However, in the end, completely different forces determined the direction and nature of the reform of the Soviet system. They were predetermined by the economic interests of the nomenklatura, the Soviet ruling class.

Thus, by the beginning of the 1980s, the Soviet totalitarian system was actually deprived of the support of a significant part of society.

Under the conditions of monopoly domination in society by one party, the CPSU, and the presence of a powerful repressive apparatus, changes could only begin "from above". The top leaders of the country were clearly aware that the economy needed to be reformed, but none of the conservative majority of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU wanted to take responsibility for implementing these changes.

Even the most urgent problems were not solved in a timely manner. Instead of taking any measures to improve the economy, new forms of "socialist competition" were proposed. Enormous funds were diverted to numerous "constructions of the century" like the Baikal-Amur Mainline.

1.2. "We are waiting for changes…"

“We are waiting for changes ...” - these are the words from the leader’s song popular in the 80s. the Kino groups of Viktor Tsoi reflected the mood of the people in the early years of the perestroika policy.

In the early 1980s, without exception, all sections of Soviet society experienced psychological discomfort. An understanding of the need for profound changes was ripening in the public mind, but interest in them varied. The numerically grown and more informed Soviet intelligentsia found it increasingly difficult to put up with the suppression of the free development of culture, the isolation of the country from the outside civilized world. She was acutely aware of the perniciousness of a nuclear confrontation with the West and the consequences of the Afghan war. The intelligentsia wanted genuine democracy and individual freedom.

Most workers and employees associated the need for change with better organization and wages, a more equitable distribution of social wealth. Part of the peasantry hoped to become the true owners of their land and their labor. Rally in Moscow on Manezhnaya Square. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, thousands of rallies were held in many cities of the USSR demanding reforms. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, thousands of rallies were held in many cities of the USSR demanding reforms.

A powerful layer of party and state officials, the military, who were worried about the collapse of the state, were waiting for changes.

In their own way, technocrats and the intelligentsia were interested in reforming the Soviet system. The coincidence in time of internal and external factors required a radical change in the conditions of production and management methods. Every day it became obvious: for change, the country's leadership must be updated.

Perestroika was proclaimed by the new general secretary, 54-year-old M.S. Gorbachev, who took over the baton of power after the death of K.U. Chernenko in March 1985. Dressed elegantly, speaking “without a piece of paper”, the Secretary General gained popularity with his external democracy and desire for transformations in a “stagnant” country and, of course, with promises (for example, by 2000, each family was promised a separate comfortable apartment).

Since the time of Khrushchev, no one has communicated with the people like this: Gorbachev traveled around the country, easily went out to people, talked informally with workers, collective farmers, and the intelligentsia. With the advent of a new leader, inspired by the plans for a breakthrough in the economy and the restructuring of the entire life of society, people's hopes and enthusiasm revived.

A course was proclaimed to "accelerate" the socio-economic development of the country. With the election of Gorbachev to the post of General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, the vicious tradition of recent years was finally interrupted. M.S. Gorbachev was elected because the ruling elite could not but reckon with public opinion, which was not officially recognized, but really existed.

1.3. Goals of perestroika

The acceleration strategy, that is, the use of all reserves to increase labor productivity, became the basis of economic programs. It was supposed to concentrate resources for the modernization of production, significantly expand the production of machinery and equipment. However, there was no talk of creating new economic incentives to improve the performance of enterprises. It was planned to achieve the goals set by tightening labor discipline, increasing the responsibility of enterprise managers for economic violations. A system of state acceptance was introduced - non-departmental control over the quality of products. Born in 1931, M. S. Gorbachev belonged to a generation that called itself "the children of the 20th Congress." An educated man and an experienced party worker, Gorbachev continued the analysis of the state of the country begun by Andropov and the search for ways out of the situation.

Various reform options were discussed both in scientific circles and in the depths of the party apparatus. However, by 1985 an integral concept of restructuring the economy had not yet taken shape. Most scientists and politicians were looking for a way out within the framework of the existing system: in transferring the national economy to the path of intensification, creating conditions for the introduction of the achievements of scientific and technological revolution. This point of view was also held at that time by M.S. Gorbachev.

Thus, in order to strengthen the country's position in the international arena, to improve the living conditions of the population, the country really needed an intensive, highly developed economy. Already the first speeches of the new General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU showed his determination to begin the renewal of the country.

2. Main events:

2.1. Chronology of events

2.2. movements

In the USSR, imitation of the West is becoming very popular, and new informal movements are emerging that find a wide response among people. Among such groups that originated in the Soviet Union, one can name "Kino", "Aquarium", "Alisa", "Zoo", the first punk group "AU", also performer A. Bashlachev, better known as Sash-Bash. And the Ministry of Culture immediately puts them on the blacklist of banned groups. In addition, many films in the USSR are shelved. But the more they are banned, the more popular they become. V. Tsoi’s album “Head of Kamchatka” and the song from this album “Trolleybus that goes to the east”, which tells about a trolleybus with a rusty engine that drags everyone away from the west, became especially relevant.

In 1986, the Red Wave album was released with a circulation of 10,000 copies, consisting of two records, on which four underground groups of the USSR were recorded. "Kino" takes the whole side, completing it with the song "Trolleybus". One copy of the album was personally sent to the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU M. Gorbachev.

August 15, 1990 V. Tsoi mysteriously dies in a car accident. A year later, the August putsch takes place, during which a two-day musical marathon "Rock on the Barricades" is held. Later, Yeltsin will award the musicians with medals for services during the days of the August coup. By this time, criminal case No. 480 about an accident involving Tsoi V.R. will close. According to official figures, he fell asleep and lost control. This will be confirmed by the driver of Ikarus, and in two months the driver will be killed under unknown circumstances.

In general, the government did not support the imitation of Western culture. Here is an excerpt from the memoirs of A. Rybin, the soloist of the Garin and Hyperboloids group, about the Beatles concert: “A Zhiguli car with a blue stripe on the body and a white inscription “Police” was slowly driving behind the crowd. Having driven fifty meters behind the walking Beatles, the car said in a stern male voice:

Stop singing immediately!

The crowd laughed. Tsoi and I also smiled - this car set painfully crazy demands.

Stop singing immediately, I said! - said the car, describing

an arc on the right flank of the crowd, driving onto the lawn.

Of course, no one stopped singing - on the contrary, they shouted even louder - this hatred or, perhaps, fear of the rock and roll of a small police car was painfully funny.

I order everyone to disperse!!! yelled the frenzied car.

Twist and Shout! - shouted in the crowd.

I repeat - everyone disperse immediately!

Even if those walking in the crowd had such a desire, there was nowhere to disperse - everyone seemed to disperse anyway. We walked to the subway, there was only one road in this direction. But no one had a desire to go somewhere else - for what reason, in fact, and where? Tsoi and I stood at the door of the Jubilee, looked at all this and laughed, but laughed, however, not for long.

GET OFF THE BUS AND START WORKING! I ORDER TO WORK HARD, QUICKLY, EXACTLY AS TEACHED!

Of the two buses that were lost in the parking lot near the Sports Palace, people in blue shirts began to pour onto the lawn. They were dressed like ordinary policemen, but they were distinguished by remarkable quickness and ability to fight, as we saw after a few seconds.

Most of those walking in the crowd did not pay attention to the last order and did not see this attack - the police, or rather, some special fighters approached them from behind, from the back. Professional hand-to-hand combat was running at them, but now, when the back rows fell on the lawn under

stabs in the back, panic began and, knocking each other down, the Beatles rushed to the carriageway of the street. The fighters pursued them, kicking those who were already lying on the road, and overtook the fleeing, knocked them down with blows to the back, on the back of the head, under the knees, on the kidneys ... ambush time. Well, at least no one got under the wheels - the cars crashed directly into the crowd, wedging it into three liquid streams. Some people were already being dragged to the buses, apparently those who still tried to defend the HONOR AND Dignity of a SOVIET CITIZEN, as the policemen themselves said when drawing up the protocol.

3. Major reforms

3.1. Anti-alcohol reform

The initial stage of the activities of the new leadership of the country, headed by M.S. Gorbachev is characterized by an attempt to modernize socialism, to abandon not the system, but its most ridiculous and cruel sides. It was about accelerating the socio-economic development of the country. At that time, the concept of restructuring the economic mechanism was put forward, which consisted in expanding the rights of enterprises, their independence, introducing cost accounting, and increasing the interest of labor collectives in the final result of their work. In order to improve the quality of products, state acceptance was introduced. Elections of heads of enterprises began to be held.

The initial idea of ​​the reform was very positive - to reduce the amount of alcohol consumed per capita in the country, to begin the fight against drunkenness. But as a result of too radical actions, Gorbachev's anti-alcohol campaign and the subsequent abandonment of the state monopoly led to the fact that most of the income went into the shadow sector.

In the 90s, a lot of start-up capital was put together by private traders on "drunk" money. The treasury quickly emptied. The most valuable vineyards were cut down, as a result of which entire sectors of industry disappeared in some republics of the USSR, for example, in Georgia. The growth of drug addiction, substance abuse and moonshining, as well as multibillion-dollar budget losses.

3.2. Personnel reforms in the government

In October 1985, N.I. was appointed Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. Ryzhkov. In December 1985, B.N. became the secretary of the Moscow city party committee. Yeltsin. E.A. became Minister of Foreign Affairs instead of Gromyko. Shevardnadze. A.N. Yakovlev and A.I. Lukyanov. In fact, 90% of the old Brezhnev apparatus was replaced by new cadres. Almost the entire composition of the Presidium of the Council of Ministers of the USSR was replaced.

3.3. Public and social reforms

At this time, the general democratization of life in the country began. The political persecution has stopped. Weakened the oppression of censorship. Such prominent people as Sakharov, Marchenko, etc. returned from prisons and exile. The policy of glasnost, initiated by the new Soviet leadership, dramatically changed the spiritual life of the people. Increased interest in print media, radio, television. In 1986 alone, newspapers and magazines acquired more than 14 million new readers. The policy of glasnost paved the way for true freedom of speech, press, and thought, which became possible only after the collapse of the communist regime.

Soviet society embraced the process of democratization. In the ideological sphere, Gorbachev put forward the slogan of glasnost. This meant that no events of the past and present should be hidden from the people. Glasnost is the keyword of perestroika, it allowed the dumb masses to say whatever they want, to criticize anyone, including especially Gorbachev himself, the man who gave them freedom.

3.4. Reforms in foreign policy

During the meeting M.S. Gorbachev with US President Ronald Reagan in November 1985, the parties recognized the need to improve Soviet-American relations and improve the international situation as a whole. The START-1,2 treaties have been concluded. By a statement dated January 15, 1986, M.S. Gorbachev put forward a number of major foreign policy initiatives:

Complete elimination of nuclear and chemical weapons by the year 2000.

Strict control over the storage of nuclear weapons and their destruction at the sites of liquidation.

The USSR abandoned the confrontation with the West and offered to end the Cold War. In 1990, Gorbachev received the Nobel Peace Prize for his contribution to easing international tension. During his visit to India, the Delhi Declaration on the Principles of a Nuclear-Free and Non-Violent World was signed.

3.5. Reforms of the political system of the USSR

The struggle for political reform and the methods of carrying it out unfolded at the 19th All-Union Party Conference in the summer of 1988. By that time, the opponents of perestroika had become more active. Back in March 1988, in the newspaper of the Central Committee of the CPSU “Soviet Russia”, an article by a teacher from one of the Leningrad universities Nina Andreeva “I can’t give up my principles”, directed against democratic reforms, calling back to

Lenin and Stalin. At the congress there were also attempts by conservatives to change the opinion of the majority of delegates in their favor, but they did not lead to anything. On December 1, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR adopted 2 laws "On Amendments and Additions to the Constitution of the USSR" and "On the Election of People's Deputies of the USSR." According to the first of them, the supreme authority becomes

Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, consisting of 2250 deputies. The meeting was to be held once a year. It elected the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. The second law determined the procedure for the election of people's deputies of the USSR. The new laws had many shortcomings, but were a significant step forward towards liberation from totalitarianism and the one-party system. On March 26, 1989, the elections of people's deputies of the USSR were held. In May - June 1989, the 1st Congress of People's Deputies began its work. It included the Interregional Deputy Group (Sakharov, Sobchak, Afanasyev, Popov, Starovoitova), the Soyuz Deputy Group (Blokhin, Kogan, Petrushenko, Alksnis), the Life Deputy Group and others.

The final stage in the field of reforms of the political system can be called the III Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, at which Gorbachev was elected President of the USSR, and some amendments were made to the Constitution.

3.6. economic reform

By the middle of 1990. The Soviet leadership decided to introduce private ownership of the means of production. The dismantling of the foundations of socialism began. The President was offered several economic programs for the transition to a market economy. The most famous of them was the program called "500 days", created under the guidance of a young scientist G. Yavlinsky. The government of the USSR also proposed its program. The programs differed mainly in the degree of radicalization and determination. 500 days aimed at a quick and decisive transition to the market, the bold introduction of various forms of ownership. The government program, without denying the need for a transition to market relations, sought to stretch this process for a long time, leaving a significant public sector in the economy, pervasive control over it by the central bureaucratic bodies.

The President gave preference to the government's program. Its implementation began in January 1991 with the exchange of 50 and 100 ruble bills in order to withdraw money acquired illegally from the point of view of the authorities, as well as to reduce the pressure of the money supply on the consumer market. The exchange took place in a short time. There were long queues at the savings banks. People had to prove the legitimacy of their savings. Instead of the planned 20 billion rubles, the government received only 10 billion rubles from this operation. On April 2, 1991, prices for foodstuffs, transport, and utilities were increased by 2-4 times. There was a drop in the living standards of the population. According to the UN, by the middle of 1991, the USSR ranked 82nd in the world on this indicator. The official decision of the Soviet leadership on the transition to a market economy allowed the most enterprising and energetic people to create the country's first legal private business firms, trade and commodity exchanges. A layer of entrepreneurs appeared and began to be realized in the country, although the existing laws did not allow them to expand their activities in the production of goods. The bulk of private capital found its application in trade and money circulation. The process of privatization of enterprises was extremely slow. On top of that, there was the emergence of unemployment, crime, racketeering. By the end of 1991, the Soviet economy was in a catastrophic situation. The fall in production accelerated. The national income compared to 1990 has decreased by 20%. The state budget deficit, i.e., the excess of government spending over income, was, according to various estimates, from 20% to 30% of gross domestic product (GDP). The growth of the money supply in the country threatened to lose state control over the financial system and hyperinflation, i.e. inflation over 50% per month, which could paralyze the entire economy. Failures in the economy increasingly undermined the position of the communist reformers led by Gorbachev.

We can conclude that as a result of his reforms, the world has changed dramatically and will never be the same again. It is impossible to do this without courage and political will. Mikhail Gorbachev can be treated differently, but there is no doubt that he is one of the biggest figures in history.

4. crisis of power

4.1. two presidents

In the fall of 1990, Gorbachev, elected by the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, was forced to reorganize the state authorities. The executive bodies now began to report directly to the president. A new advisory body was established - the Federation Council, whose members were the heads of the Union republics. The development and, with great difficulty, the coordination of the draft of a new union treaty between the republics of the USSR began.

In March 1991, the first referendum in the history of the country was held - the citizens of the USSR had to express their opinion on the issue of preserving the Soviet Union as a renewed federation of equal and sovereign republics. It is indicative that 6 out of 15 union states (Armenia, Georgia, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia and Moldova) did not take part in the referendum. But 76% of those participating in the vote were in favor of preserving the Union. In parallel, the All-Russian referendum was also held - the majority of its participants voted for the introduction of the post of president of the republic.

On June 12, 1991, a nationwide presidential election was held. B. Yeltsin became them. After these elections, Moscow turned into the capital of two presidents - the All-Union and the Russian. It was difficult to reconcile the positions of the two leaders, and personal relations between them did not differ in mutual disposition.

Both advocated reforms, but at the same time they looked at the goals and ways of reforms differently. Gorbachev relied on the Communist Party, and Yeltsin relied on the forces in opposition to the CPSU. In July 1991, Yeltsin signed a decree banning the activities of party organizations at state-owned enterprises and institutions. The events unfolding in the country testified that the process of weakening the power of the CPSU and the collapse of the Soviet Union was becoming irreversible.

Representatives of the party and state leaders, who believed that only decisive action would help preserve the political positions of the CPSU and stop the collapse of the Soviet Union, resorted to forceful methods. They decided to take advantage of the absence of the President of the USSR in Moscow, who was on vacation in the Crimea.

Early in the morning of August 19, television and radio informed citizens that, due to Gorbachev's illness, the execution of duties was temporarily assigned to Vice-President Yanaev and that a state committee on the emergency situation of the State Emergency Committee was formed "to govern the country and effectively implement the state of emergency." This committee consisted of 8 people. Gorbachev found himself isolated in a state dacha. Military units and tanks were brought into Moscow, and a curfew was announced.

The House of Soviets of the RSFSR, the so-called White House, became the center of resistance to the GKChP. In an address to the citizens of Russia, President Yeltsin and the acting chairman of the Supreme Council Khasbulatov called on the population not to obey the illegal decisions of the State Emergency Committee, qualifying its actions as an unconstitutional coup. Tens of thousands of residents of the capital expressed their support for Yeltsin.

Fearing the unleashing of a civil war, Yanaev and his associates did not dare to storm the House of Soviets. They began the withdrawal of troops from Moscow and flew to the Crimea in the hope of reaching an agreement with Gorbachev, but the President of the USSR had already returned to Moscow, along with Vice President Rutskoi, who had flown "to the rescue". Members of the GKChP were arrested. Yeltsin signed decrees on the suspension of the activities of the CPSU and the Communist Party of the RSFSR and the publication of communist-oriented newspapers. Gorbachev announced the resignation of the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, and then issued decrees that actually stopped the activities of the party and transferred its property to state ownership.

4.3. The collapse of the USSR and the formation of the CIS

The last months of 1991 became the time of the final collapse of the USSR. The Congress of People's Deputies was dissolved, the Supreme Soviet was radically reformed, and most of the union ministries were liquidated. The supreme body was the State Council of the USSR, which included the President of the USSR and the heads of the union republics. The first decision of the State Council was the recognition of the independence of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. On March 11, 1990, Lithuania was the first of the union republics to declare independence and secession from the Soviet Union. On December 1, a referendum was held in Ukraine, and the majority voted for the independence of the republic. On December 7-8, 1991, the presidents of Russia and Ukraine Yeltsin and Kravchuk and the chairman of the Supreme Council of Belarus Shushkevich, having met in Belovezhskaya Pushcha, announced the termination of the existence of the USSR and the formation of the Commonwealth of Independent States of the CIS as part of the three republics. Subsequently, the CIS included all the former republics of the USSR, with the exception of the Baltic ones.

So, perestroika reached a dead end, which led the government to a crisis. As a result, the USSR collapsed, and Gorbachev, being in a hopeless situation, easily evaded the answer, simply removing himself from the powers of the president, because the USSR no longer existed.

5. The results of perestroika

During the years of "perestroika" surprisingly little was done to really reform the economic mechanism. The laws adopted by the union leadership expanded the rights of enterprises, allowed small private and cooperative entrepreneurship, but did not affect the fundamental foundations of the command-and-distribution economy. The paralysis of the central government and, as a result, the weakening of state control over the national economy, the progressive disintegration of production ties between enterprises of different Union republics, the increased autocracy of directors, the short-sighted policy of artificially increasing the incomes of the population, as well as other populist measures in the economy - all this led to an increase in during 1990 - 1991 economic crisis in the country. The destruction of the old economic system was not accompanied by the appearance of a new one in its place. This task had to be solved by the new Russia.

It was necessary to continue the process of forming a free democratic society, successfully launched by "perestroika". There was already real freedom of speech in the country, which grew out of the policy of “glasnost”, a multi-party system was taking shape, elections were held on an alternative (from several candidates) basis, and a formally independent press appeared. But the predominant position of one party remained - the CPSU, which actually merged with the state apparatus. The Soviet form of organization of state power did not provide for a generally recognized separation of powers into legislative, executive and judicial branches. It was necessary to reform the state-political system of the country, which turned out to be quite within the power of the new Russian leadership.

By the end of 1991, the Soviet economy was in a catastrophic situation. The fall in production accelerated. The national income compared to 1990 has decreased by 20%. The state budget deficit, i.e., the excess of government spending over income, was, according to various estimates, from 20% to 30% of gross domestic product (GDP). The growth of the money supply in the country threatened to lose state control over the financial system and hyperinflation, i.e. inflation over 50% per month, which could paralyze the entire economy.

The accelerated growth of wages and benefits, which began in 1989, increased unsatisfied demand, by the end of the year most goods disappeared from state trade, but were sold at exorbitant prices in commercial stores and on the "black market". Between 1985 and 1991, retail prices almost tripled, government price controls could not stop inflation. Unexpected interruptions in the supply of various consumer goods to the population caused "crises" (tobacco, sugar, vodka) and huge queues. A normalized distribution of many products (according to coupons) was introduced. People feared a possible famine.

Serious doubts arose among Western creditors about the solvency of the USSR. The total external debt of the Soviet Union by the end of 1991 amounted to more than 100 billion dollars, taking into account mutual debts, the net debt of the USSR in convertible currency in real terms was estimated at about 60 billion dollars. Until 1989, external debt service (repayment of interest, etc.) took 25-30% of the amount of Soviet exports in convertible currency, but then, due to a sharp drop in oil exports, the Soviet Union had to sell gold reserves to purchase the missing currency. By the end of 1991, the USSR could no longer fulfill its international obligations to service its foreign debt. Economic reform became inevitable and vital.

Among the many accusations brought against Gorbachev, perhaps the most important is indecisiveness. The policy of perestroika, initiated by part of the leadership of the CPSU headed by Mikhail Gorbachev, led to significant changes in the life of the country and the world as a whole.

In the course of perestroika, problems that had accumulated over decades were exposed, especially in the economy and the interethnic sphere. Added to this were the mistakes and miscalculations made in the process of implementing the reforms themselves. The political confrontation between the forces advocating the socialist path of development and parties and movements that link the future of the country with the organization of life on the principles of capitalism, as well as on issues of the future image of the Soviet Union, the relationship between federal and republican bodies of state power and administration, sharply escalated.

By the beginning of the 1990s, perestroika led to an aggravation of the crisis in all spheres of society and to the collapse of the USSR.

conclusions

In terms of the scale of the changes it caused in Europe, and throughout the world, perestroika is rightly compared with such historical events as the Great French Revolution or October 1917 in Russia.

MS Gorbachev announced the need to get out of the stagnation and began the process of "perestroika". Perestroika led to significant changes in the life of the country and the world as a whole (glasnost, political pluralism, the end of the Cold War). During perestroika, numerous facts of the monstrous crimes of the Stalinist regime were made public. In memory of the mass repressions of Soviet people near Magadan in the 1990s. a monument created by the famous sculptor Ernest Neizvestny was erected. In April 1986, an explosion occurred at the Chernobyl nuclear power plant, which led to a colossal environmental disaster.

Gorbachev was one of the first in the Soviet party leadership to realize the need for global changes in the life of the country, but how to implement them, how to reform the huge clumsy colossus called the Soviet Union, he had a rather vague idea, so many of his undertakings were doomed.

Following the political collapse of the Soviet empire, the collapse of the single economic space of the once united country began.

Some modern scholars argue that perestroika was basically a seizure of property by the Soviet bureaucratic elite, or nomenklatura, who were more interested in "privatizing" the state's vast fortune in 1991 than in preserving it. The fact is that the Soviet elite actually had a minuscule compared to what the elite of the poor banana republics has, and compared to what the elite of developed countries owns. Therefore, already in the Khrushchev era, part of the elite set a course to change the Soviet system. They were supported by the shadow government. Their goal is to turn from managers into owners of state property. To talk about the collapse of reforms is to mislead people. Nobody planned to create any free market economy.

Other researchers believe that it was not the bureaucratic elite, but the mafia part of the domestic secret service and the national elites with the support of the intelligentsia (some researchers see here similarities with the French Revolution).

The ideologists of perestroika themselves, who are already retired, have repeatedly stated that perestroika did not have any clear ideological basis. However, some activities since at least 1987 cast doubt on this view. While at the initial stage the common expression “more socialism” remained the official slogan, an implicit change in the legislative base in the economy began, threatening to undermine the functioning of the previous planned system: the actual abolition of the state monopoly on foreign economic activity, a revision of the approach to the relationship between state bodies and industrial enterprises. One of the turning points in the economic program of “perestroika” can also be considered the Law of the USSR “On Cooperation” of May 26, 1988, which explicitly stated that “foreign currency earnings received by cooperatives ... are not subject to withdrawal and can be accumulated for use in subsequent years." This meant a fundamental break with former Soviet practice, in the same year the concept of “radical economic reform” appeared, and contradicted many previous laws and regulations, the massive abolition of which began around the same time.

It is difficult to call a steady change in the legislative base in one direction accidental. But then it was still very problematic to openly announce to the population about their plans, since the “equalizing psychology” and “soviet worldview” remained practically universal, therefore, a little later than this period, a coordinated, multifaceted and consistent campaign to discredit all aspects of life in the USSR begins. The line of constructive criticism was easily crossed. Basically, it consisted of numerous revelatory publications in the most popular or serious Soviet publications of that time, which can be briefly described with the phrase “it’s impossible to live like this”, forcing ridiculous and irrational fears by voicing them in authoritative sources (for example, the frankly delusional “theory” that The Black Sea is about to explode due to the presence of hydrogen sulfide in it). All the major social institutions and subsystems of the Soviet Union, one after another, were subjected to devastating, often unfair criticism (“Aviation destroys its own in Afghanistan at the slightest attempt to encircle”, “the Soviet police are the most cruel and corrupt in the world”, the syringe scandal in Elista, when they “infected » several dozen newborns, who, as it turned out later, were already infected, housing and communal services, bureaucracy, etc.). In many ways, the strength of these publications lay in the authority of the source, their irrefutability and long-term dominance in the information space.

Attention is drawn not only to the fact that the generation of Russians who grew up and socialized already in the post-Gorbachev era assesses perestroika much more positively than the generation of their fathers and grandfathers. The younger the respondents, the fewer among them those who believe that it was a mistake to start perestroika.

Nevertheless, Gorbachev's merits as a state and political figure are undeniable. Gorbachev was the first and last president of the USSR.

List of used literature

1. Materials of the April Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU. M., Politizdat, 1985.

2. F. Burlatsky "Notes of a Contemporary", M., 1989.

3. Decree of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Supreme Soviet of the USSR "On strengthening

fight against drunkenness and alcoholism”, M., 1985.

4. Materials of the January Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU. M., Politizdat, 1987.

6. Law of the USSR "On cooperatives", M., 1986.

7. History of Russia and its neighbors, Avanta plus, 1999.

8. Yegor Gaidar "The State and Evolution", 1998.

9. Mikhail Geller "The Seventh Secretary: 1985-1990"

10. Mikhail Geller "Russia at the Crossroads: 1990-1995"

11. N.V. Zagladin "History of the Fatherland", M., Russian Word, 2003.

12. O.V. Volobuev "Russia and the World", M., Bustard, 2005.

49. Perestroika in the USSR: its causes and consequences (1985-1991). Economic reforms of perestroika.

In March 1985, after the death of Chernenko, at an extraordinary plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU, MS Gorbachev was elected General Secretary.

The new Soviet leadership was aware of the need for reforms in order to improve the economy and overcome the crisis in the country, but it did not have a scientifically based program for such reforms developed in advance. The reforms began without comprehensive preparation. Gorbachev's reforms were called the "perestroika" of Soviet society. Perestroika in the USSR lasted from 1985 to 1991.

Reasons for restructuring:

Stagnation in the economy, the growth of scientific and technological backwardness from the West.

Low standard of living of the population: constant shortage of food and industrial goods, rising prices of the "black market".

The political crisis, expressed in the decomposition of the leadership, in its inability to ensure economic progress. The merging of the party-state apparatus with the businessmen of the shadow economy and crime.

Negative phenomena in the spiritual sphere of society. Due to strict censorship, there was a duality in all genres of creativity: official culture and unofficial (represented by "samizdat" and informal associations of creative intelligentsia).

Arms race. By 1985, the Americans announced that they were ready to launch nuclear weapons into space. We did not have the means to launch weapons into space. It was necessary to change foreign policy and disarm.

The purpose of the restructuring: improve the economy, overcome the crisis. MS Gorbachev and his team did not aim to turn to capitalism. They only wanted to improve socialism. So, the reforms began under the leadership of the ruling CPSU party.

April 1985 at the Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU, an analysis was given of the state of Soviet society and a course to accelerate the socio-economic development of the country was proclaimed. The main attention was paid to scientific and technological progress (STP), the technical re-equipment of mechanical engineering and the activation of the "human factor". MS Gorbachev called for strengthening labor and technological discipline, increasing the responsibility of personnel, etc. To improve the quality of products, state acceptance was introduced - another body of administrative control. The quality of this, however, has not radically improved.

In May 1985, the anti-alcohol campaign began., which was supposed to provide not only "universal sobriety", but also an increase in labor productivity. The sale of alcoholic beverages has declined. Vineyards began to be cut down. Began speculation in alcohol, home brewing and mass poisoning of the population with wine surrogates. During the three years of this campaign, the country's economy lost 67 billion rubles from the sale of alcoholic beverages.

The fight against "unearned income" began. In fact, it came down to another offensive by local authorities on personal subsidiary farms and touched a layer of people who grew and sold their products in the markets. At the same time, the “shadow economy” continued to flourish.

In general, the national economy of the country continued to work according to the old scheme, actively using command methods, relying on the enthusiasm of workers. The old methods of work did not lead to "acceleration", but to a significant increase in accidents in various sectors of the national economy. The term "acceleration" disappeared from the official vocabulary a year later.

To rethink the existing order prompted disaster at the Chernobyl nuclear power plant in April 1986.

After the disaster at the Chernobyl nuclear power plant, the government decided that it was necessary to rebuild and start economic reforms. The program of economic reforms was developed for a whole year. Well-known economists: Abalkin, Aganbegyan, Zaslavskaya presented a good Pproject of reforms in the economy, approved in the summer of 1987. The reform project included the following:

Expanding the independence of enterprises on the principles of cost accounting and self-financing.

Gradual revival of the private sector in the economy (initially through the development of the cooperative movement).

Recognition of equality in the countryside of the five main forms of management (collective farms, state farms, agro-combines, rental cooperatives, farms).

Reducing the number of sectoral ministries and departments.

Rejection of the monopoly of foreign trade.

Deeper integration into the global market.

Now it was necessary for these economic reforms to develop and adopt laws.

Let's see what laws have been passed.

In 1987, the "State Enterprise Law" was adopted. This law was to come into force on January 1, 1989. It was envisaged that enterprises would be endowed with broad rights. However, the ministries did not give enterprises economic independence.

With great difficulty, the formation of the private sector in the economy began. In May 1988, laws were passed that opened up the possibility of private activity in more than 30 types of production of goods and services. By the spring of 1991, more than 7 million people were employed in the cooperative sector. And another 1 million people - self-employed. True, this led not only to the entry of new free entrepreneurs into the market, but also to the actual legalization of the “shadow economy”. Every year the private sector "laundered" up to 90 billion rubles. per year (in prices up to January 1, 1992). Cooperatives did not take root in our country, because cooperators were taxed at 65% of their profits.

It was too late to start agricultural reforms. These reforms were half-hearted. The land was never transferred to private ownership. Rental farms did not take root, since all the rights to allocate land belonged to the collective farms, which were not interested in the appearance of a competitor. By the summer of 1991, only 2% of the land was cultivated on lease terms and 3% of the livestock was kept. As a result, the food issue has not been resolved in the country. The shortage of elementary foodstuffs led to the fact that even in Moscow their rationed distribution was introduced (which has not happened since 1947).

As a result, laws that meet the dictates of the times have not been adopted. Yes, and the introduction of the adopted laws was stretched for a long time. On the whole, the economic reforms of perestroika were inconsistent and half-hearted. All reforms were actively resisted by the local bureaucracy.

Outdated enterprises continued to produce useless products. Moreover, a general decline in industrial production began.

There was no reform of credit, pricing policy, centralized supply system.

The country found itself in a deep financial crisis. Inflation growth reached 30% per month. Foreign debts exceeded 60 billion (according to some sources, 80 billion) US dollars; gigantic sums went to pay interest on these debts. The foreign exchange reserves of the former USSR and the gold reserves of the State Bank were depleted by that time.

There was a general shortage and a flourishing "black" market.

The standard of living of the population fell. In the summer of 1989, the first workers' strikes began.

As the economic reforms failed, Gorbachev began to focus on the transition to the market. In June 1990, a resolution “On the concept of transition to a regulated market economy” was issued, and then specific laws. They provided for the transfer of industrial enterprises to lease, the creation of joint-stock companies, the development of private entrepreneurship, etc. However, the implementation of most measures was postponed until 1991, and the transfer of enterprises to lease was stretched until 1995.

At this time, a group of economists: academician Shatalin, deputy. Chairman of the Council of Ministers Yavlinsky and others proposed their plan for the transition to the market in 500 days. During this period it was supposed to carry out the privatization of state enterprises of trade and industry, and significantly curtail the economic power of the Center; remove state control over prices, allow unemployment and inflation. But Gorbachev refused to support this program. The socio-economic situation in the country was continuously deteriorating.

In general, under the influence of perestroika, significant changes took place in all spheres of society. For 6 years of perestroika, the composition of the Politburo was updated by 85%, which was not even during the period of Stalin's "purges". Ultimately, perestroika got out of control of its organizers, and the leading role of the CPSU was lost. Mass political movements appeared and the "parade of sovereignties" of the republics began. Perestroika, in the form in which it was conceived, failed.

Politicians, scientists, publicists have several points of view on the results of perestroika:

Some believe that perestroika enabled Russia to begin to develop in line with world civilization.

Others see that as a result of perestroika, the ideas of the October Revolution were betrayed, there was a return to capitalism, and a huge country fell apart.