And common sense tells us that there are factors that make year-round living in a nomadic yurt problematic, to put it mildly. One of these factors is the long, snowy and cold Bashkir winter. Reaches - 40 degrees. Let's consider the points:
1. Heating. The yurt is heated by an open hearth, the smoke (and most of the heat) from which escapes through a hole in the roof. It is necessary to make a six-month supply of dry firewood, because. drowning with dried horse waste (as, for example, they do in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan or Tibet) is a certain cold death. So, you can not move away from the forest.
2. Nutrition. The only animal available for nomadic breeding in this climate zone is the horse. Only she is able to survive in the cold in the open on a meager grazing. Question: where will you look for your herd (to taste fresh meat) in an open field knee-deep in snow? So you must create a supply of food for your family for the whole winter. And for this, it is necessary to dig a reliable glacier next to the yurt for storing mushrooms, berries, fish, dried and frozen meat, otherwise your stocks will become easy prey for rodents, foxes, wolves and connecting rod bears. And it is not an easy job to do it every year in a new place. A source of drinking water should be within walking distance: a stream or a river. Because melted snow is distilled water, unsuitable for food.
3. Design. In conditions of heavy snowfall, there is a high probability that the arch will be crushed by a mass of snow - after all, snow does not tend to roll off a rough surface. Residents should clean it regularly. regardless of the cold, wind and time of day.
Agree, all this bears little resemblance to a free and carefree nomadic life.
By the way: in an open hearth, in a few months, all your clothes and belongings will be smoked beyond recognition. In this respect, the yurt is not much different from the Chukchi tent. That is why the colorful decoration of the exhibition Bashkir yurts has little in common with life.
From all of the above, we can draw the only conclusion: the yurt, in the conditions of the Bashkir climate, is a purely summer dwelling, i.e. mobile summer house. And the Bashkir winter is more comfortable and safer to spend in a wooden frame. And the official historical science supports us in this conclusion. We read everywhere: the Bashkirs switched from a nomadic way of life to a semi-nomadic one. Those. they spent the winter in stationary warm dwellings that met all the requirements listed above, and in the summer they roamed after their herds, carrying a yurt with them. Yes, that's right, most readers will say. No, it's not like that, I say. Why? Because all these nomadic and semi-nomadic terms were invented by people who wrote such historical tales in warm offices and never lived in subsistence farming. There is not and cannot be in the conditions of the Bashkir climate either a nomadic or semi-nomadic way of life, but only a sedentary one. BASHKIRS HAVE NEVER BEEN NOMADERS! Let me explain:
In the summer you graze your herd, count the offspring - everything is fine. Autumn is coming, you need to return to winter apartments and stock up for the winter. Question: WHAT TO DO WITH A TABOON?! The answer is unexpected and the only possible one: DROP IN THE OPEN FIELD! No options! Alone with wolves, winter cold and starvation, horses are not geese and do not fly south. Paradox? But you are a nomad and do not prepare forage for the winter. Yes, and with all the desire to do this is impossible: you have neither a tractor, nor even a scythe ... And you don’t know metal either. And if they knew, then we are talking about a herd and not about one horse, and this is a completely incommensurable scale. And where do you look for your herd in the spring, or rather, what is left of it? And will it remain... After all, it is impossible to reduce the number of wolves with the help of a bow and arrow, and horse stealing has always been an easy and profitable criminal business. In addition, a horse is not a domestic animal and it can easily do without a person in nature, and in the spring it will not return to you. And Bashkiria is not an African Serengeti park, where, at the end of winter, you will go and catch a new herd.
And what to do? And you, dear nomad, need to moderate your appetites from a herd to a couple of pigs, a couple of cows, a dozen hens or geese, a dozen sheep (it’s only unclear where to get them - after all, they don’t occur in nature, neither domestic pigs, nor cows, nor sheep, no chicken or geese?) and one horse. Settle in a society of your own kind (so that it is not so scary) in a wooden frame (unless, of course, you have an ax, even a stone one, and the strength to build it), since life in a dugout is contraindicated for human health, and in a yurt it is cold, damp, smoky, dark and unsafe, on the banks of the river, so that there was a place to catch fish, near the forest, so that there was where to go for mushrooms, berries and firewood, and all summer not to sunbathe in the sun, looking at the grazing flocks, but to water the land abundantly - mother with her own sweat, preparing fodder for the cattle for the long winter (although I have little idea how this can be done without a metal scythe). Plant a garden for yourself and your family (with a wooden shovel you can). Prepare firewood and wild plants. And if, God forbid, you already know the cereals, then write wasted: you are no longer a man, but a working animal and will end your life in a furrow. Because such physical loads that cheerful men from historical science have prescribed for you in their textbooks, not a single human body is able to withstand.
Imagine, your humble servant lived a similar (with a big stretch, of course) life in a remote Trans-Baikal village in the 70s of the last century. In order to feed 5 cattle, 2 pigs and a dozen chickens in winter, my father and I waved scythes all summer. And there was also a vegetable garden, and an endless potato field. Daily care of all this cattle - I remember how one winter night (-42) they helped a first-calf heifer to give birth, pulling the calf by its front legs .... And my parents still worked at the state farm. And the cows must be milked at 5 in the morning, and drinking water should be brought in a two-hundred-liter barrel on a cart (on a sleigh) from the river several kilometers away ... And a car of firewood should be brought for the winter 120 kilometers away, sawed and chopped. Etc. Continuous physical labor that cannot be postponed until tomorrow. And this is in the presence of electricity, technology and civilization - at first even a public bath worked! And they didn’t bake bread, but bought it in a store - it was brought from the regional center 50 kilometers away.
1. The Bashkirs have never been either nomads or semi-nomads, because such a way of life is impossible in the climatic conditions of Bashkortostan.
2. The yurt is not the national dwelling of the Bashkirs, since there was no need for it. People simply did not have time to go out into the countryside with a yurt and smell the flowers - in the summer hard labor on the ground awaited them.
3. Why do Bashkirs consider themselves nomads? I think that SOMEONE (or SOMETHING) HAVING POWER OVER US just put this thought into their (and our) minds.
Anyone who does not agree with my conclusions, let him explain: why did the Bashkirs suddenly change their free, well-fed and carefree nomadic life to a sedentary life full of hardships, hard labor and poverty? WHAT DID THEY EXCHANGE THEIR HERDS FOR?!
Nomadic Bashkirs spend only the coldest months of the year in wooden houses. Most of the year they use temporary housing. Tirme, a traditional Bashkir yurt, always endows nomadic cattle breeders with warmth on cold nights and pleasant coolness in the summer heat. It deservedly enjoys a reputation as an ideal temporary housing: it is easy to transport, easy to assemble (dismantle), resistant to piercing steppe winds and hurricanes. The cover of the yurt reliably keeps a stable temperature inside.
The design of the Bashkir yurt
The basic principle of building housing for nomadic peoples is simplicity. A yurt is made up of several irreplaceable structures:
- skeleton. It includes four to six folding lattices (ropes) made of wood. The construction of a prosperous family may consist of eight or nine of these components.
- roof. Traditionally made in the shape of a cone. The bottom edge is attached to the frame. It consists of a set of uks (thin poles) of a certain length. At one end they rest on the wooden lattices of the base, and at the top they adjoin the sagarak (wooden circle). The last element forms an opening that serves as both a window and an exhaust hood for smoke from a fire.
- felts. As a rule, they are made of natural sheep wool (natural felt). Coatings serve as insulation on the walls and on the floor of the structure.
The felt mats are knitted to the skeleton of the yurt with the help of specially provided ropes, which are sewn to the corners of the felt covering and in the middle of each of the edges. To give strength from the outside along the entire length, the felt mats are entangled with hair ropes. The ends of the twine (lasso) are attached to pegs driven into the ground. Only three attachment points are installed: this ensures the highest resistance to wind loads.
Sagarak is not covered during the day. Only at night or in bad weather is it covered with a quadrangular felt mat. When airing is necessary, the felt is slightly lifted by a long pole. If it dawned or the weather changed to sunny, the felt rolls up, but remains on top of the yurt.
A single-leaf door was most often made of wood and painted in red or dark red. The base of the dwelling was also painted in the same color. Less commonly, the Bashkir yurt is found with a folding felt door.
Distribution of living space
Traditionally, the entrance is located on the south side of the yurt. The part of the dwelling on the opposite side is considered the main one and is intended for guests. The invariable place of the hearth is in the center of the yurt opposite the smoke outlet. In cases where the hearth is taken out into the street, a beautiful tablecloth is spread in this place, which plays the role of a table. Around her were scattered saddles, soft pillows or fabric bedding. 
Sharshau has always been considered a very important element of a nomadic dwelling. This is a dense fabric curtain that divides the Bashkir yurt into two unequal parts:
- female. According to the customs of the people, it is always smaller and is always located on the right side of the entrance. Items necessary for housekeeping are stored here: kitchen utensils, food supplies, children's and women's clothing, etc.
- male. The left side is larger and is always used as a living room. Colorful carpets, tablecloths, towels and bedding are hung throughout the room. The lattice walls are covered not only with patterned works, but also with the equipment of a warrior, decorated with national ornaments. Here you can see arrow quivers, gunpowder cases, shot pouch and horse harness.
A place of honor for guests - uryn - is located opposite the entrance. There is also a carved wooden chest on a beautiful stand. The most valuable things are stacked on it: carpets, rugs, blankets and pillows. They are carefully tied with a patterned ribbon with colored ornaments on a red or black background.
The meaning of the yurt for nomads
Since ancient times, for nomadic peoples, the yurt has been the center of the universe on earth. This is reality, not big words. It is here that the path of the steppe dweller begins, and here it ends. For a long time she embodied the model of the world. At first it was flat (single-tiered), then it was three-dimensional: at the bottom - the earth, at the top - the sky and stars. 
Like space, the yurt is vertically three-leveled: the floor symbolizes the earth, the inner space is like air, and the dome personifies the sky. For nomadic tribes, gender has always been of particular importance compared to cultivators. The most dear guests were received on the floor, they ate and slept. Holidays and sad events were celebrated here, people were born and died here.
That is why special attention was paid to its design, and care was reverent. The floor was always covered with bright felt mats, patterned carpets and droshky. Compared to the walls, it looked smarter and brighter. It was the floor that formed the artistic interior of the ancient dwelling.
The walls were covered with homespun rugs and fabrics with patterns traditional for the people. Smaller embroidered towels flaunted against the background of large canvases in the Bashkir yurt. Festive costumes, expensive harness, family heirlooms were also kept here. Together with the patterns on the floor, a peculiar ensemble was created. The dome symbolized the firmament, and the hole for the exit of smoke personified the sun. Sagarak had a sacred meaning and was passed down from generation to generation through the paternal line.
The yurt as a traditional dwelling of the nomadic peoples of Bashkiria has practically not survived today. Housing decorated in folk traditions can only be seen at the spring festival "Sabantuy" or in the museums of the country. However, it did not disappear without a trace, and its significance for the nomads of Bashkortostan remained unchanged.
The questions of the origin of the yurt as a universal, easily transportable, collapsible dwelling of the nomadic pastoralists of the steppes of Eurasia have long attracted the attention of ethnographers with their perfection and logical completeness of the design. For more than 1.5 thousand years since the appearance of the first images of the yurt on funeral figurines from Northern China, dating from the beginning of the 6th century. AD, it has not undergone any major changes or innovations until today. Like hundreds of years ago, the basis of the skeletal structure of the yurt consisted of: a cylindrical base of 5-6 lattice links (rope, or wing) interconnected by knotted straps, a dome formed of more than 100 planed and curved willow poles (уk , or an arrow). At one end, the poles rested against the crosshairs of the slats of the upper edge of the lattice links, while at the other, upper end, they rested against special holes in the wooden rim (sagarak), which forms the arch of the dome with a diameter of a light-smoke hole of about 1.5 m. On the east side, between the first and closing lattice - a wooden box for the door was inserted as a link in the skeleton of the yurt. The inner side of the gratings of the skeleton of the yurt and the inner side of the door were painted with red paint. From time immemorial, the outside of the yurt was covered with large pieces of felt, felt mats and tied crosswise for strength with ropes (lasso) woven from horsehair.
The questions of the origin and genesis of the yurt occupied a special place in the work of many generations of ethnographers who dealt with the issues of temporary dwellings for pastoralists. Known in this area are the works of researchers of the last century A.I. Levshin, M.S. Mukanov, who studied the ethnography of the Kazakh people, A. A. Popov, who devoted his works to the dwellings of the Siberian peoples, B. Kh. Karmysheva, who wrote about the dwellings of the Uzbek-Karluks, and E. G. Gafferberg, who studied the yurts of the Khazarians. The most complete ideas about the temporary dwellings of pastoralists are presented in the works of S. I. Vainshtein, devoted to the ethnography of the Tuvan people, and the works of N. N. Kharuzin, which discuss the origin and evolution of the yurt in time and space. Among the researchers - Bashkir scholars, one can single out the works of such famous ethnologists as S. I. Rudenko, S. N. Shitova, N. V. Bikbulatov and others.
Speaking about the genesis of the yurt, N.N. Kharuzin, for example, wrote that due to many transformations, the yurt could have arisen from various wooden structures of huts or conical tents. The scheme of the evolution of the yurt, according to the scheme of N. N. Kharuzin, went from simple to complex, not taking into account the history of the dwelling in connection with the lifestyle of ancient pastoralists. In his opinion, the lattice yurt could have arisen no earlier than the 17th century, which, in the light of new materials on the history of nomadism in the steppes of Eurasia, was the wrong message for an objective reconstruction of the paths of the genesis of lattice yurts of the Turkic or Mongolian types. Other authors, on the contrary, derive the design of the yurt in its unchanged form from the Early Iron Age, i.e. Scythian-Sarmatian time, referring to archaeological finds, written sources of Herodotus, Strabo and other ancient authors. According to S.I. Vainshtein, the Scythians, Sarmatians, Usuns, Huns, and other early nomads of the steppes of Eurasia did not know yurt structures with lattice walls. In his opinion, the Scythians and other nomadic pastoralists at the turn of the AD. they could use either collapsible dwellings-huts with a conical or pyramidal-truncated skeleton of poles, covered with felt cavities from the outside, or non-collapsible mobile dwellings on wheeled carts, which were called wagons.
Speaking about the antiquity of the origin of yurt-like dwellings, it will be interesting to cite excerpts from the famous work of Herodotus "History", where he gives a biography and life of the ancient tribes of the Scythian world, and there are also references to the tent-like or tent-like structures of the ancient Scythians and Argippei, which are translated by G. A Stratonovsky as "yurts" (Herodotus, 2004, p. 220, 233-234). “After the funeral, the Scythians purify themselves in the following way: first they anoint and then wash their heads, and the body is cleansed with a steam bath, doing this: they set up three poles, with their upper ends inclined towards each other, and then cover them with woolen felt, then pull the felt as tightly as possible and they throw red-hot stones into a vat placed among the yurt” (Herodotus, 2004, pp. 233-234). “Hemp grows in the Scythian land. Taking this hemp seed, the Scythians crawl under a felt yurt and then throw it on hot stones. From this rises such strong smoke and steam that no Hellenic bath can be compared with such a bath. Enjoying it, the Scythians scream loudly with pleasure. This soaring serves them instead of a bath, since they do not wash themselves with water at all” (Herodotus, 2004, p. 234). “Each argippey lives under a tree. For the winter, the tree is always covered with thick white felt, and in the summer it is left without a tire” (Herodotus, 2004, p. 220). According to this description, it is difficult to speak about the complex design features of the Scythian dwellings. One thing is clear, that Herodotus gave a description of one or two variants of the conical shape of tent-like dwellings covered with felt. Perhaps the Scythians had other forms of temporary dwellings. Some of them give an idea of the archaeological evidence.
Images of wagons in the form of clay toys are not uncommon in archaeological finds of the Early Iron Age. Judging by these models, among the early nomads of the Eurasian steppes, in particular in South Siberia and Central Asia, in the second half of the 1st millennium BC. Along with the conical huts-tents of the pole design, hemispherical huts made of poles bent into an arc were also common. A drawing of such a hemispherical dwelling was found by S.I. Vainshtein in 1954 during excavations of mounds of the Kazylgan culture of the Scythian period in the Republic of Tuva (Vainshtein, 1991, p. 49).
At the end of the 1st millennium BC. in the steppes of Central Asia, in the Xiongnu environment, a non-separable domed hut, which could be transported on carts, became widespread. The skeleton of this hemispherical dwelling was woven from flexible willow rods, which, narrowing, passed into the low neck of the smoke-light hole. In bad weather, such a wagon was covered from the outside with large pieces of felt. This is a transportable dwelling, as a prototype of the future yurt, S.I. Weinstein called hut of the Xiongnu type. Images of such dwellings can be found among the petroglyphs of the famous Boyarskaya petroglyphs in the Minusinsk basin, dating back to the turn of our era. These small non-separable dwellings were convenient in that they could be installed on a flat place on summer camps, and when migrating, they were easily transported by wheeled vehicles. True, these wagons were very bulky. At present, yurt-like dwellings with a wicker frame are not uncommon in the life of the peoples of Central Asia, the Kumyks in the Caucasus, and other regions.
The invention of the yurt with a collapsible lattice framework of the walls, straight or curved dome rafters, on which a wooden two-part hoop of a light-smoke hole was attached, was one of the greatest discoveries in the entire nomadic world. This can only be compared with the invention of stirrups, which made a real revolution in horse breeding and allowed in the shortest possible time to master the vast expanses of the steppes of Eurasia from Altai to the Danube thanks to a stable landing in the saddle.
According to researchers, the invention of the yurt occurred in the ancient Turkic environment no later than the middle of the 5th century BC. AD The advantages of a collapsible yurta with a lattice frame were obvious. It literally took 30-40 minutes to assemble and disassemble, and most importantly, it was very convenient for transportation in the form of packs on horses and camels. Horses loaded with parts of the yurt could easily and freely master both the steppe and hard-to-reach mountain pastures. Similar dwellings, in contrast to the primitive huts of the Xiongnu type, S.I. Weinstein Suggests call yurts of the ancient Turkic type. As they spread in the steppes of Eurasia, they received the name "Turkic yurt", which is clear from medieval Turkic and Arabic sources. In medieval sources, in particular in the notes of Ibn-Fadlan about the journey to the Volga Bulgars, a description is given of "Turkic domed houses", the name of which is A.P. Kovalevsky translated as "yurt" (Kovalevsky, 1956). It should be noted that the yurt in its classical lattice-dome design is found only throughout the Great Belt of the Steppes, exclusively among the Turkic-Mongolian peoples. S.I. Weinstein notes that south of the Desht-i-Kipchak steppes, the yurt did not become widespread; temporary dwellings of tent and tent construction prevailed here, as, for example, in Iran and Afghanistan. At the same time, the Turkic-speaking Uzbeks, Turkmens, Khazars, Jemshids living here, but Iranianized in a different ethnic environment, continue to use everywhere for housing not tents and tents, but traditional "Turkic" yurts with a lattice base.
The similarity of the names of the yurt in the Turkic languages also speaks about the common roots of the origin of the yurt from the ancient Turkic environment. For example, among the Uzbeks, Turks, Turkmens it is called oy, among the Kazakhs, the Kirghiz - uy, the Sagays - ug, the Tuvans - өg. Among the Mongols, the yurt was called ger, among the Iranian-speaking Khazarians - khanai khirga. S.I. Weinstein gives other names for temporary dwellings. Among the Tanguts, a yurt is called a terme ker. Terme in modern Mongolian means "lattice". Then "terme ker" would mean "lattice house", which exactly corresponds to the characteristic design features of a lattice yurt. The concept of lattice in the ancient form "tereme terebe" was preserved among the Tuvans, Altaians, Turkmens (terim). At the same time, among the Bashkirs, the word “tirme” means the general name of a yurt, and the lattice is called “kanat”. In our opinion, the concept of "yurt" as a temporary dwelling entered the Russian language from the names of the seasonal camps of Bashkir cattle breeders, on which lattice domed dwellings were placed: spring camp (yaҙgy yort), summer camp (yayge yort), autumn camp (koҙgө yort).
As in ancient times, it was convenient to transport yurts on oxen, camels, mules and horses. On figurines recovered during excavations of monuments of the 6th century BC. in northern China, camels are depicted with yurt frame bars folded for transportation, a light-smoke hoop, and felt cavities. According to S.I. Weinstein, all the design features of the yurt of the ancient Turkic type finally took shape by the 7th century.
In the later Oguz, Kimak-Kipchak period, the yurts of the ancient Turkic type continued to develop almost unchanged. However, the complexity and high cost of manufacturing the lattice base of the yurt forced the poor to replace them with a circular wattle fence, ring and plank structures, and polygonal low log cabins (Vainshtein, 1991, p. 57). Considering all these variations of yurt-like dwellings, S.I. Weinstein once again emphasizes that the earliest prototype of modern Turkic yurts could only be a hemispherical hut of the Xiongnu type with a wicker frame made of willow.
On the territory of Bashkiria at the end of the XIX century. dome-shaped yurts of the Turkic type are widespread in the southeastern, southern steppe and forest-steppe regions, as well as in the steppe regions of the Orenburg region (Shitova, 1984, p. 133). According to S.N. Shitova, at the beginning of the 20th century. in the villages of the southeastern regions of Bashkiria (modern Baimaksky, Khaibullinsky, south of the Abzelilovsky regions) there were specialist craftsmen in the manufacture of yurts and its individual parts. For example, domed poles (uҡ) were made in dd. Abdulkarimovo, Kuvatovo, Yangazino, Baymaksky district, gratings (ҡanat) - in the village of Abdulnasyrovo, Khaibullinsky district, blanks for the light-smoke rim - in the village of Ishberdino, Baymaksky district, and the village of Rafikovo, Khaibullinsky district. The products of local craftsmen were quickly bought up both by the Bashkirs of the South Ural and Orenburg steppes, and by the Kazakhs. Masters sold blanks for yurts at fairs in the years. Orsk, Orenburg, Turgai (Ibid., p. 132).
In the northeastern, trans-Ural, some southeastern, southwestern regions, the Bashkirs used yurts of the Mongolian type not with curved, but with straight poles of the dome, which gave it a conical shape. The doors were not wooden, but felt. Yurts of the Mongolian type were considered of little prestige, and they were used by poor Bashkir families. Since the lattice frame of the yurt was very expensive and difficult to manufacture on the farm without special tools, the population modified and simplified the structure of the skeleton and made less complex yurt-like buildings. In the Zianchurinsky district, for example, the frame of the yurt was fastened with three wooden rims tied to vertically dug in a circle pillars. Between the two lower bars-rims, grating bars were inserted into special holes, placing them crosswise. In this case, the lattice was not solid, but was assembled from separate slats. The poles of the dome rested against the edge of the upper rim, on the upper ends of which a small wooden rim was mounted to release smoke. The entire structure was covered with felt (Shitova, 1984, p. 133).
Among the southwestern Bashkirs, koshom yurts were sometimes made without domed poles, replacing them with thick lassoes. A pole was dug in the center of the future yurt and ropes were stretched from the top to the gratings. Having tied the rope to the upper edge of the lattice, they stretched it outward, tying it to pegs driven into the ground in a circle. The rope “roof” of a conical shape was covered with felt, the edges of which protruded beyond the edges of the lattice, forming, as it were, a cornice, thereby protecting the felt walls of the yurt frame from rain. Lattices in such yurts were sometimes placed not circular, but quadrangular, which simplified its design even more. The roof in such yurts was also hipped (Shitova, ibid.).
In the river basin Demos existed even more simplified dwellings of pillar construction, only vaguely resembling yurts in silhouette. In the Alsheevsky district of Bashkiria, poor families often made pole dwellings. Their skeleton did not consist of lattices, but of 30-40 two-meter poles dug in a circle. In the center, a three-meter pole was dug in, to the top of which they stretched and fastened ropes from poles dug in a circle. It turned out a conical rope roof, which was covered with a felt mat. The side walls and doors were also covered with felt mats.
There were many other variants of yurt-like dwellings, which, like yurts, were easily dismantled and transported. All of them were smaller than the yurt, less stable, prepared from improvised materials, and therefore were used in everyday life by the poor.
Traces of temporary dwellings were found on the territory of Bashkiria during the period of archaeological research. During excavations at the site of the former Bashkir village of Aznaevo, led by V.A. Ivanov, circular grooves were discovered, lined with stones along the perimeter at intervals of 0.5-0.6 m. The excavation dated back to the 17th-18th centuries. A circular groove may have been dug around the perimeter of the yurt to drain rainwater, and stones attached the lower edges of the felt coverings of the yurt lattice. Similar circular grooves with a diameter of about 5 m were discovered by G. N. Garustovich during excavations in 1994 of the Gornovsky settlement of the 13th–14th centuries. in the Chishminsky district, on the left bank of the river. Demos. Places where yurts were set up on summer camps were also discovered by A.F. Yaminov during excavations at the Petropavlovskoye settlement in the Khaibullinsky district.
In line with research into the genesis of the yurt of nomadic cattle breeders, it must be said that a collapsible lattice yurt by the beginning of the 13th century. was already known to the Mongols, and, most likely, was borrowed by them from the Turks. In the XIII century. the Mongols and their khans still continued to use yurts of the ancient Turkic type with a characteristic point in the upper part of the dome, called in the "Secret Tale" chorgan ker (pointed yurt). Travelers of the XIII century. left their descriptions and impressions of the dwellings of the Turkic-Mongolian nomads. Marco Polo, in particular, wrote: “Tatars do not stay anywhere to live permanently ... their huts or tents consist of poles that they cover with felt. They are quite round, and made so skillfully that they are folded into a bundle and can easily be transported with them, namely, on a special cart with four wheels. When they set up their tents again at a convenient opportunity, they always turn the entrance side to the south” (Quoted by Weinstein, 1991, p. 61). The Turks, as is known, like the Huns, turned the entrance of the yurt to the east. Until the 13th century The Mongols did not know how to make lattice yurts. The Chinese traveler Xu Ting wrote about the Mongols: “In those (tents) that are made in the steppe, round walls are woven from willow rods and fixed with hair ropes. (They) do not fold or turn around, but are transported on wagons” (Quoted by Weinstein, 1991, p. 61). In the XIII century. and later, during the campaigns of the Genghisides, lattice yurts of both the Mongolian (conical) and Turkic (dome) types were widely used by the Mongols during parking, rest and hunting. In addition to ordinary and lattice yurts of the Mongolian type, covered with dark felt, the steppe aristocracy had design features of yurts at khan's headquarters. For the khans, special three-tiered yurts with a lattice frame and a domed top were erected according to the “Turkic” type. Another high spherical dome of smaller diameter was erected above this dome. The light-smoke hole in this upper dome was made not in the middle, but in its side part. The gratings of the yurt were covered with mats from the inside, with decorative multi-colored fabric on top, in winter - with felt. A high parade palanquin with supporting pillars and rope extensions at the corners was built above the entrance. This "aristocratic" type of yurt by S.I. Weinstein called late Mongolian, which became widespread among the nomadic aristocracy in the era of the Golden Horde, which had special "khan" yurts. These were the "Golden Yurt" of Genghis Khan, the luxurious yurts of Timur and other representatives of the Turkic-Mongolian elite. After the collapse of the Golden Horde, the bulk of the population of the steppes of Desht-i-Kipchak again returned to their time-tested and migration-tested lattice yurts of the Turkic (dome-shaped) and Mongolian (conical top) types. The main parts of the yurt, its design have not changed much to this day, except for the fact that the light-smoke wooden hoop became not solid, but was divided into two parts. A two-piece round hoop with a diameter of 1.5 m greatly facilitated its manufacture.
Thus, the evolutionary development of the lattice yurt went in the direction from collapsible dome-shaped huts to non-collapsible Huns of the Xiongnu type with a wicker frame of wicker and covered with felt on the outside. Further in the V-VI centuries. AD collapsible yurts with a lattice frame of the ancient Turkic type appeared. Since that time, for more than 1.5 thousand years, domed and conical lattice yurts have warmed and given comfort to hundreds of generations of pastoralists throughout the vast expanse from Altai to the Volga-Ural region. Yurts gradually disappeared from the life of the Bashkir people at the beginning of the 20th century, however, from year to year they still decorate with their elegance and perfection and give solemnity to Sabantuy and other spring and summer holidays of the Bashkirs.
Federal Agency for Education
UFIMSKY STATE ACADEMY
ECONOMY AND SERVICE
BASHKIR NATIONAL CULTURE:
GENESIS AND STAGES OF DEVELOPMENT
Tutorial
in the field of folk art culture, socio-cultural activities and information resources
Compiled by: ,
BBK 63.3 (2Ros. Bash) - 7th and 7th
Reviewers:
dr ist. sciences, professor;
cand. ist. Sciences
B 33 Bashkir national culture: genesis and stages of development: textbook / Comp.: , . - Ufa: Ufimsk. state Academy of Economics and Service, 2008. - 114 p.
In the textbook, the genesis and development of the Bashkir national culture are considered as an integral process with the assimilation and preservation of the values of the past, their transformation and enrichment in the present and the transfer of these values as the source material for the culture of the future.
It is intended as a teaching aid for students of universities, technical schools, students of colleges, gymnasiums, high schools.
ISBN-386-9©,
© Ufa State
Academy of Economics and Service, 2008
Introduction……………………………………………………………………………….4
1. To the question of the origin and anthropological type of the Bashkirs………......6
2. Traditional Bashkir customs, rituals and holidays……….……..…10
3. Material culture of the Bashkirs….…….……………………………………….21
4. Professional art in Bashkortostan……………………………37
5. Archaeological cultures on the territory of the Republic of Belarus…………………………..…56
Glossary……………………………………………………………………………..68
INTRODUCTION
Representatives of more than 100 nationalities live in Bashkortostan. They became one family, learned to value their friendship, help each other in difficult times, rejoice in each other's successes. And it is their common merit that our republic is one of the most stable regions of Russia. Interethnic harmony, traditions of good neighborliness are the subject of special concern on the part of the leadership of Bashkortostan. The priorities of the state national policy in the republic are the free development of all peoples, the preservation of the native language, the original national culture. This ensures a balance in interethnic relations, an atmosphere of trust and mutual respect.
The development of the original culture of the peoples living on the territory of the republic is facilitated by the implementation of a whole range of state programs: "Peoples of Bashkortostan" for 2003–2012, the Program for the Preservation, Study and Development of the Languages of the Peoples of the Republic of Bashkortostan, the Program for the Study, Revival and Development of the Folklore of the Peoples of the Republic of Bashkortostan and etc.
There are more than 60 national-cultural associations in the republic, including 8 national-cultural autonomies (the World Kurultai of the Bashkirs, the Russian Cathedral, the Congress of the Tatars, the Kanash (Congress) of the Chuvash, the Assembly of Finno-Ugric Peoples, the Regional Mari National-Cultural Autonomy "Ervel Mariy " and etc.). National-cultural associations are part of the Assembly of the Peoples of Bashkortostan, established in 2000.
Since 1995, the House of Friendship of the Peoples of the Republic of Belarus has been operating in the republic. Under the auspices of the House of Friendship, republican folk holidays are annually held, such as the Days of Slavic Literature and Culture, the Russian Maslenitsa, the Turkic "Navruz", the Mari "Semyk", the Belarusian holiday of Ivan Kupala, etc.
A new direction in the preservation of cultural traditions and the revival of national identity was the opening of historical and cultural centers in the republic - today there are 14 of them. They are called upon to become centers of national culture that preserve and develop the native language, customs and traditions, original culture, revive historical and architectural monuments.
This experience of the republic is unique, there are no such centers in any Russian region yet. And the fact that they are created in accordance with the decrees of the President of the Republic of Bashkortostan speaks volumes.
It is very important that historical and cultural centers, sometimes reviving already forgotten holidays and customs, significantly influence the national well-being of peoples, attract children and adults to the development of traditional crafts.
The experience of Bashkortostan in solving national and cultural problems is undoubtedly of national importance. During one of his visits to Ufa, the President of the Russian Federation highly appreciated the experience of the republic in this area, emphasizing that “in Bashkiria, as in a drop of water, our entire Russia is reflected with its diversity of cultures, religions, languages, friendship of peoples ... We will take an example from Bashkiria and we will cherish what Russia has achieved over hundreds of years.”
CHAPTER 1.TO THE QUESTION OF THE ORIGIN AND ANTHROPOLOGICAL TYPE OF THE BASHKIRS
Bashkirs (self-name - Bashkort) are the indigenous people of the Republic of Bashkortostan (RB). The name of the republic was formed from his name. Outside the Republic of Belarus, the Bashkirs live in the Chelyabinsk, Orenburg, Perm, Sverdlovsk, Tyumen, Kurgan, Samara regions, Tatarstan, Kazakhstan, Central Asia, Ukraine.
The first mention of the ethnonym in the form "Bashgird", "Bashkird", "Bashjirt", "Badzhgar" was recorded in the 1st half of the 9th century during a trip to the country of the Bashkirs by Sallam Tarjeman, also mentioned in the stories of Masudi (10th century) and Gardizi (11th century). By the turn of the 9th-10th centuries. The data of al-Balkhi and Ibn-Ruste date back to the beginning of the 10th century. - Ibn Fadlan, by the 13th-14th centuries. - Plano Carpini ("Bascart"), Willem Rubruk ("Pascatier"), Rashid ad-Din. From the 15th–16th centuries references to the Bashkirs in Russian sources, mainly in the annals, become regular. During the 18-20 centuries. about 40 interpretations of the ethnonym "Bashkort" have been put forward. Almost all of them agree that this is a complex compound word of Turkic origin. The 1st part of the term is interpreted as “head”, “main” (in the form “bash”), “separate”, “isolated” (“head”), “gray”, “gray” (“buzz”), and 2 -th part - as "worm", "bee", "wolf" ("kort"), "settlement", "country" ("yort") or "horde" ("urza"). There are versions that interpret the ethnonym Bashkort in the meaning of "people from the Bashkaus River" (Gorny Altai) or "brother-in-law of the Oghurs" (i.e., Oghuz). Until recently, two hypotheses were popular: 1) “bash” (“chief”) + “court” (“wolf”) - “main wolf”, “wolf leader”, “wolf leader”, “ancestor”; 2) “bash” (“main”, “head”) + “kor” (“circle of people”, “tribe”) + “-t” (an indicator of plurality, collectivity, borrowed from Iranian or Mongolian languages) - “head tribe ", "people". The first hypothesis was based on the existence of a wolf cult among the Bashkirs and folk legends, the second point of view attracted supporters with its apparent prestige.
The Republic of Bashkortostan (RB), a sovereign democratic state within the Russian Federation, is located in the southern part of the Ural Mountains, on the border of Europe and Asia. The capital is Ufa.
In the middle of the 16th century, the Bashkirs accepted Russian citizenship and voluntarily became part of the Russian state. On November 15, 1917, the Bashkir regional (central) shuro (council), elected by the 1st All-Bashkir kurultai (congress, July 1917), declared the Bashkir territory of the Orenburg, Ufa, Perm and Samara provinces an autonomous part of the Russian Republic. The decision of the Shuro was approved at the 3rd All-Bashkir Kurultai on December 8, 1917. On March 23, 1919, on the basis of the “Agreement between the central Soviet government and the Bashkir government on the Soviet Autonomy of Bashkiria,” the Bashkir Autonomous Soviet Republic was proclaimed. The autonomous republic was created within the limits of Lesser Bashkiria and included the southern, southeastern, northeastern parts of its modern territory. On May 19, 1920, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR adopted a resolution "On the state structure of the Autonomous Soviet Bashkir Republic." In 1922, the Ufa, Birsk, Belebeevsky uyezds, as well as the predominantly Bashkir volosts of the Zlatoust uyezd of the abolished Ufa province, became part of the Autonomous Soviet Bashkir Republic (Greater Bashkiria). By the decision of the BashTsIK of July 6, 1922, the Bashkir language, along with the Russian language, was recognized as the state language.
On October 11, 1990, the Supreme Council of the Republic proclaimed the Declaration of State Sovereignty, which confirmed the republic's status as a democratic constitutional state, and in February 1992, the name "Republic of Bashkortostan" was adopted. On March 31, 1992, the Federal Treaty on the delimitation of powers and subjects of jurisdiction between the state authorities of the Russian Federation and the authorities of the sovereign republics in its composition and the Annex to it from the Republic of Belarus were signed, which determined the contractual nature of relations between the Republic of Bashkortostan and the Russian Federation.
The area of the Republic of Belarus is 143.6 km2 (0.8% of the total area of the Russian Federation), occupying most of the Southern Urals and the adjacent plains of the Bashkir Cis-Urals and the high-plain strip of the Bashkir Trans-Urals. In the north, the Republic of Belarus borders on the Perm and Sverdlovsk regions, in the east - on Chelyabinsk, in the southeast, south and southwest - on the Orenburg region, in the west - on the Republic of Tatarstan, in the northwest - on the Udmurt Republic.
The Bashkir language belongs to the Kipchak branch of the Turkic group of languages, which is part of the Altaic language family; he finds the greatest relationship with the Tatar, Kazakh, Nogai languages; has a number of common features with the Eastern Turkic (Yakut, Altaic, and other languages). It has traces of interaction with the Mongolian, Tungus-Manchu, Finno-Ugric and Iranian languages; over the past millennium, Arabic and Russian borrowings have appeared.
Dialects of the Bashkir language: southern (it is spoken by the Bashkirs of the central and southern parts of Bashkortostan, the Orenburg and Samara regions), eastern (the northeastern part of the Republic of Belarus, the Chelyabinsk and Kurgan regions). The language of the Bashkirs of the northwestern regions of the republic and adjacent territories is defined by linguists as a special group of dialects that differ little in phonetic structure from the spoken language of the surrounding Tatar population. A number of researchers define the language of the northwestern Bashkirs as the third (northwestern) dialect of the Bashkir language.
Dialects in the Bashkir language are not homogeneous and are easily divided into smaller units of the dialect system - dialects. At the same time, the differences between dialects are much more significant and expressed more clearly. As part of the Eastern dialect, linguists distinguish four territorial dialects: Sinaro-Karabolsky (or Salyutsky), Argayashsky, Aisk-Miasssky and Sakmara-Kizilsky, Demsko-Karaidelsky and middle. Four dialects are distinguished in the northwestern dialect, three of which exist on the territory of Bashkortostan; the fourth, Gaininsky, which is distinguished by the greatest originality, is in the Perm region.
In dialects and dialects, the specific features of the Bashkir language and its relation to other languages of the Altaic family are sustained in different ways. According to those features that are the criteria for distinguishing between the eastern and southern dialects, the eastern one reveals proximity to the Turkic languages of Siberia (Kazakh and Kyrgyz), the southern one - to the western Kypchak languages. In the context of dialects, this relationship is much more complicated. In particular, in the Ik-Sakmar dialect, which belongs to the southern dialect, there are elements that are completely alien to the Western Kypchak languages (Tatar, Nogai, Kumyk) and find close analogies in the Eastern Turkic languages. And in the Argayash, Salyut dialects of the eastern dialect, along with the prevailing Siberian-Central Asian features, there is a certain lexical layer gravitating toward the Volga region. All this testifies to the complex history of the people and their language.
Before the revolution, the Bashkirs used writing based on Arabic script. On this basis, long before the annexation of Bashkiria to Russia, the written and literary language "Turks" was formed, common to many Turkic peoples. The norms of the modern Bashkir literary language were developed after the formation of the Bashkir ASSR on the basis of the southern and partly eastern dialects and began to be introduced in the 20s. In 1929–1939 in Bashkiria, the Latin alphabet was used, since 1940 Russian (Cyrillic) has been adopted with the addition of 9 letters.
The racial composition of the Bashkirs reflects the main stages in the formation of their anthropological composition, which has developed in the Southern Urals as a result of a long and repeated miscegenation of the alien and local population. The constituent components of this process were representatives of the local Ural race and the alien Pontic, light Caucasoid, South Siberian, Pamir-Fergana and other anthropological types. Each of them is associated with specific periods in the history of the region, which can be distinguished as Indo-Iranian, Finno-Ugric, Turkic and Golden Horde.
TOPIC OF THE SEMINAR LESSON
The main stages in the development of the Bashkir people.
Control questions
1. What does the ethnonym "Bashkort" mean?
2. Describe the stages of formation of the Republic of Bashkortostan.
3. Explain the features of the Bashkir language.
4. What dialects of the Bashkir language do you know? Characteristics of the features of dialects.
5. The evolution of the writing of the Bashkirs.
MAIN LITERATURE
1. Bashkir ASSR. Administrative-territorial division on July 1, 1972 / Presidium of the Supreme Court of the BASSR. – 6th ed. - Ufa: Bashk. book publishing house, 1973. - 388 p.
3. Bashkirs: Ethnic history and traditional culture /,; Under. ed. . - Ufa: Bashkir Encyclopedia, 2002.
4. Zaripov consciousness and ethnic self-consciousness /,. - Ufa: Gilem, 2000. - 174 p.
5. Kuzeev of the Middle Volga and Southern Urals: Ethnogenetic view of history / . - M., 1992.
6. Khayaikov-Kamie at the beginning of the Early Iron Age / . - M., 1977.
7. Ethnography and anthropology in Bashkortostan. - Ufa: Bash. encyclopedia, 2001. - 156 p.
8. Yanguzin Bashkirs: (history of study) /. - Ufa, 2002. - 192 p.
ADDITIONAL LITERATURE
1. Bikbulatov. The peoples of the Volga and Ural regions / . - M, 1985.
2. In a single, fraternal family: A collective story about the Bashkir Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic on the eve of the 60th anniversary of the USSR / Comp. , . - Ufa: Bashk. book. publishing house, 1982. - 240 p.
3. On the issue of the ethnic composition of the population of Bashkiria in the 1st millennium AD. Archeology and ethnography of Bashkiria. T.2. - Ufa., 1964.
4. Grammar of the modern Bashkir literary language. Ed. . - M., 1981.
5. Bashkir-Russian dictionary. - M., 1958.
6. Dmitriev N. K. Grammar of the Bashkir language. – M.; L., 1948.
7. Kuzeev of the Bashkir people. - M., 1974.
8. Kuzmina cattle breeders from the Urals to the Tien Shan. - Frunze, 1986.
9. A look at history. - M., 1992.
10. Mazhitov Ural in the 7th-14th centuries. - M., 1977.
CHAPTER 2. TRADITIONAL BASHKIR CUSTOMS,
RITUALS AND HOLIDAYS
The ancient Bashkirs had an archaic large family community, as evidenced by the features of the Arab type in their kinship system and other indirect data. A feature of this system was the distinction between the paternal and maternal lines of kinship, the presence of special terms for designating numerous relatives. Such a detailed elaboration and individualization of terms were necessary to determine the status, inheritance rights of each member of a large family team. A large family community included 3–4 or more married couples and representatives of 3–4 generations. Such a family among the Bashkirs, as well as among other nomadic peoples, was less monolithic than among the agricultural ones, and the marriage couples included in it (a paired family) had some economic autonomy. The whole history of family relations of the Bashkirs in the 16th - 19th centuries. characterized by the parallel existence and rivalry of large and small (elementary, nuclear) families, the gradual approval of the latter. Throughout this period, large-family cells, having grown, broke up into ever smaller ones. In the inheritance of family property, they mainly adhered to the minority principle (the priority right of the youngest son). According to the custom of the minority, the father's house, the family hearth went to the youngest son (kinya, tobsok). He inherited the main part of the cattle and other property of his father. However, this did little to infringe on the interests of older brothers and sisters, since the father had to separate the older sons into independent households as they got married, and the daughters received their share during marriage in the form of a dowry. If the father died without having time to single out the eldest son, he took his place, and the care of his sisters and younger brothers fell on him.
Among the rich Bashkirs there was polygamy. Islam allowed to have up to 4 wives at the same time, but very few could use this right; some had two wives, and most lived with one. There were also those who, due to poverty, could not start a family at all.
Ancient customs have also been preserved in marital relations: levirate (marriage of a younger brother / nephew to the widow of an older one), sororate (marriage of a widower to the younger sister of the deceased wife), betrothal of young children. Levirate was both the norm of marriage and the principle of inheritance: together with the widow and her children, all the property of the older brother and the responsibility for supporting the family passed to the younger brother. Marriages were made by matchmaking, there was also the kidnapping of brides (this exempted them from paying bride price), sometimes by mutual agreement.
In the past, the Bashkirs had rather early marriages. The normal age of marriage for the groom was considered to be over 15-16 years, for the bride - 13-14. Usually the parents chose the marriage partner for their children. At the same time, the groom's father coordinated his decision with his son, while the bride was often given in marriage without her formal consent.
Marriage was preceded by a conspiracy of matchmakers, during which the parties first reached mutual agreement on the upcoming marriage, then discussed the organization of the wedding feast, the size of the bride price - an indispensable condition for any marriage. Kalym was paid by the groom's parents and sometimes reached a significant amount, although in general it depended on the well-being of both connecting families. In different regions of Bashkiria, the composition of the kalym and its size also differed, however, according to the opinion, in general, “its size did not fall below the known norm, determined by the obligatory gifts from the groom”: a horse (bash ata) for father-in-law, a fox coat (inә tuny) for mother-in-law , 10–15 rubles. for expenses (tartyu aksaһy), a horse, a cow or a ram for a wedding feast, material for a bride’s dress and money for her provision (mәһәr or һөt һaki - “price for milk”). There was also the so-called "small dowry", intended only for the bride: a shawl, scarf, dressing gown, boots, chest.
And the bride did not marry empty-handed, but with a dowry (livestock and money). If the girl was from a poor family, her father gave her as a dowry part of the kalym that came into his hands. Kalym was quite impressive, but it was almost never paid in a lump sum, and this process sometimes dragged on for a year, even two. In difficult times or in the marriages of poor families, naturally, the size of the kalym was smaller. So, the current old people remember that in the 1920s and 30s. they got married or got married not only without kalym or dowry, but often even without weddings.
Even at the end of the XIX century. the Bashkirs had a custom of a marriage contract, which was concluded by parents for their babies. Such an agreement was secured by a special ritual: the parents of the future bride and groom drank honey and koumiss from one cup. After that, babies were considered betrothed spouses. Termination of the contract was subsequently quite difficult, for this the father of the bride had to give a ransom in the amount of the previously agreed kalym.
After a few days, sometimes weeks, the groom and his parents went to the bride's house with gifts. In some places, for example, in the south-east of Bashkiria, the groom's relatives collected the gift set. This was usually entrusted to the boy. He traveled around his relatives on horseback, collecting sets of threads, scarves, money for a gift, and then passed everything he received to the groom. Her relatives also took part in the collection of the bride's dowry. Shortly before the wedding, the mother of the bride gathered her relatives for a tea party, to which the invitees came with their gifts. These gifts subsequently formed part of the bride's dowry.
The process of marriage and the rituals and festivities associated with it fell into two main stages. The first is the so-called small wedding, where the mullah formally secured the marriage union. The closest relatives were present at the small wedding. For a small wedding, the groom's father brought a tuilyk (horse or ram). From the side of the groom, only men were usually present, except for the groom's mother or an older relative who replaced her. The wedding took place at the house of the father of the bride. The main ritual treat at a small wedding was bishbarmak. The first day of the wedding usually passed in a decorous manner; many relatives of the old people visited here together with the mullah. At night, the guests dispersed to the pre-appointed houses of the matchmakers - the bride's relatives. The next morning, the horse or ram brought by the groom's father was slaughtered, then the guests gathered for a treat to make sure of the quality of the tuilyk. This process was accompanied by a fun ritual - games and comic brawls between the relatives of the bride and groom. The small wedding lasted two or three days, then the guests went to their homes. The groom, now a young husband, had the right to visit his wife, but he did not stay in her father's house, moreover, he should not even accidentally meet with his father-in-law and mother-in-law.
The first visit to the young wife was allowed only after the mother-in-law was presented with the main gift - a fur coat (ina tuna). The groom came by night on horseback to the house of his betrothed, but he still had to find her. Girlfriends of the young hid her, and the search sometimes took quite a lot of time. To facilitate his task, the young husband handed out gifts - bribed women who were watching what was happening, and, finally, found his wife. She tried to "escape", a ritual chase began. The young husband, having caught up with his chosen one, had to carry her in his arms for some time. The victim no longer resisted. For the young, a special room was allocated (an empty house, or the house of one of the bride's relatives).
When they were alone, the girl, as a sign of humility, had to remove her boots from her husband. But she did not allow him to her until he gave her a silver coin of large denomination.
They say that sometimes the young woman hid her face from her husband until the day when the dowry was paid in full, and this was strictly monitored by the mother or her relatives of the old woman. But at the beginning of the XX century. this custom was no longer observed.
When the dowry was paid in full, the young man went along with his relatives for the "bride". In the house of the bride's father, a tui was arranged - a celebration on the occasion of the bride's move, which lasted two or three days and was often accompanied, in addition to traditional entertainment, by competitions (horse races, wrestling), in which both relatives of the spouses and neighbors participated. The "departure of the bride" itself was accompanied by a number of rituals - hiding the bride and her bed, the bride going around relatives, distributing gifts to her relatives and receiving gifts from them in return.
Traveling in Bashkiria in the 18th century, he reported that the young woman was taken to her husband's house on horseback. At the same time, having driven up to the house, one of the young relatives took the horse by the bridle and led it to the new house. Here again the rite of redemption of the “bride” took place, which was carried out by the father of the groom.
Upon entering the yard, the young woman knelt down three times in front of her husband's parents, then distributed gifts to his relatives, who, in turn, presented her. During the thuy (on the side of the husband), which also lasted several days, various ceremonies were performed to test the abilities of the young wife.
A special hierarchy of social relations associated with ancient traditions can be traced in the rituals of feasts. So, at the wedding table, the guests were seated in a strictly defined order. In the most honorable place (near the wall opposite the entrance) they put the visiting chief matchmaker - the father of the groom or grandfather, then the less senior ones. At the same time, the closeness of family ties with the groom, social status, and scholarship were taken into account. On equal grounds, preference was given to those who came from a more distant place; they said that his "road is older." In the same order, women were seated separately from men, in a special circle or in another room. The bride's relatives, with the exception of the oldest, were on their feet all the time, serving the guests.
It was supposed to sit with your legs folded under you, “in Turkish”. Food was served by both women and young men. The assortment of treats varied depending on the material condition of the participants and local cuisine. In the Trans-Urals, at a wedding and other celebrations, the main dish was ash, which was a whole complex of foods and drinks. First, strong meat broth (tozlok) was served in large bowls, with finely chopped fatty meat, visceral fat, and rectum. The guests were given a piece of meat with a bone, the more revered were given several pieces. In small saucers or bowls, everyone was offered noodles in the form of large leaves, boiled in a fatty broth (sometimes the noodles were lowered into a common bowl with broth, and anyone could take it out with a large spoon if they wanted). In several places, sour cheese was placed - short: diluted, if in winter, fresh in summer. Each poured broth into his cup; meat was eaten by dipping it in broth, or drinking it with broth.
It was considered proper to present one's share of the meat to someone present as a sign of special respect. There was also a custom to treat each other with pieces of fat directly from the hand. In the southeast, this resulted in a special ritual: one of the most respected people took small pieces of meat, fat and noodles cut into diamonds in his palm and treated each of those present separately. It was also not condemned if someone took his share with him.
After tozlok, they brought meat soup (hurpa) with thinly sliced noodles (tukmas), which they ate, diluted with short. Then the guests were asked to bless the ash, and everything was removed. The guests were told what gifts the father of the bride gave to the son-in-law. Traditionally, it was a riding horse in full decoration - saddled, bridled.
The maternity rites of the Bashkirs are generally identical to the rites of the Tatars and other Muslims of the Ural-Volga region. Births were usually taken by experienced midwives, who were in almost every village. In addition, most older women could, if necessary, give birth without a midwife. Women gave birth at home. The methods of accelerating and facilitating childbirth among the Bashkirs are interesting. In the case when childbirth was delayed for one reason or another, and this was attributed to the machinations of the wicked (shaitan), a gun was fired next to the woman in labor (sometimes right at her head), driving away evil spirits. The fright of the woman in labor provoked contractions. Some Bashkir clans had a rite of "threading a woman in labor through a wolf's lip." To do this, the skin that borders the mouth was cut off from the dead wolf, pulled out and dried. With a delay in childbirth, the healer passed the woman in labor through this ring from the wolf's lip.
If a boy was born, they hurried to inform his father about it. The midwife made sure to correct his head. This process required special knowledge. Sometimes, for this purpose, the baby's head was tied with a rag for a day. Then the newborn was washed and wrapped in clean diapers. The woman in labor remained on the delivery bed for several days. Her friends and relatives visited her, brought her gifts - various gifts (tea, milk, butter, sugar, pastries, etc.).
Three days later, the father of the child gathered guests, invited the mullah, and the ceremony of naming was performed, which was carried out according to Muslim rules. noted that among the rich Bashkirs, the rite of naming was accompanied by the distribution of expensive gifts. It could be shirts, scarves, etc. The guests, in turn, presented the newborn even more generously - money, jewelry.
If a boy was born, before he reached the age of three, the rite of circumcision (sonneteu) was performed, usually accompanied by a small feast. It was attended by a "babay" (circumcision specialist) and other men - close relatives of the boy's parents.
Children, regardless of gender, were raised by their mother until they reached the age of 6–7. From that time on, the boys gradually passed under the care of their father, who taught them the wisdom of male work and valor. The girls remained close to their mother almost until marriage, from the age of 7–8 helping her with household chores.
Funeral and commemoration of the dead among the Bashkirs in the late XIX - early XX centuries. carried out according to the canons of Islam. However, a deep examination of funeral and memorial rites reveals that they contain many elements of more ancient pagan beliefs and ritual actions. The Bashkirs believed in the existence of life in the other world. It seemed to them similar to the earth, therefore, objects necessary for life were placed in the graves of the dead. According to custom, his horse was also buried with the deceased. The afterlife seemed to people a continuation of the earthly. However, no matter how beautiful the “other world” was, they regretted, mourned, and cried about the one who had gone to another world. The Bashkirs believed that death is the transition of the human soul to a new state.
The traditional funeral rite varied depending on the place of its conduct, gender, age, circumstances of death, but it was basically the same. When death came, the eyes and mouth of the deceased were closed with prayers and laid on a bunk or bench (necessarily on something hard) facing the qibla in an outstretched position with arms along the body. If the deceased's eyes were not closed, in the Yanaul and Meleuzovsky regions, coins were placed on them. In order not to open the mouth, the dead man's head was tied with a handkerchief or a handkerchief was put under the chin. Any iron object was placed on the chest of the deceased over the clothes: a knife, scissors, a file, a nail, coins, and in some areas - sayings from the Koran or the Koran. The custom of putting iron on the chest of the deceased as a magical means to scare away dangerous spirits was known to many peoples of the world. The holy book Koran was also used for the same purpose. In the north of Bashkiria, in the Perm and Sverdlovsk regions, a pack of salt or a mirror was placed on the deceased so that the stomach would not swell. Apparently, the origin of this custom was associated with protection from the machinations of evil spirits. To avoid the stench that the deceased could emit, nettles were spread on the sides of him.
They tried to bury the deceased on the same day no later than noon, if death occurred in the morning, and if at sunset, then the deceased was buried the next day, remaining until burial where he died. Sitting near the deceased was considered a charitable deed, so people often came to replace each other, everyone wanted to earn the mercy of God. Usually, they came to the house where the deceased was with offerings: a towel, soap, a handkerchief, etc. An elderly woman collected the things brought with prayers in order to distribute them to the funeral participants at the cemetery.
On the day of burial, the deceased was washed: a man - men, a woman - women. Children could be washed by both men and women. Sometimes the deceased himself, during his lifetime, bequeathed who should wash him. Washing began only when the grave was ready. Someone came from the cemetery and reported that they were already starting to dig a niche in the grave, this was a signal for ablution. At this time, no one was allowed into the house. Before washing or during washing, the room was fumigated with smoke from oregano, mint, birch chaga or juniper. This was done for the purpose of disinfection and, as was believed in the past, to scare away evil spirits.
Immediately after washing, the deceased was dressed in a shroud (kafen). It was sewn from new matter. Many people prepared the material for the shroud during their lifetime, usually 12–18 m of white fabric is required for this. In the villages, almost all old people had things prepared in case of death: cloth for a shroud and various gifts to distribute at funerals (towels, shirts, bars of soap, stockings, socks, money). Previously, the shroud was sewn from hemp or nettle fabric. From left to right, the deceased was wrapped in each layer of the shroud. Having completely wrapped the deceased with all layers of the shroud, he was tied up in three places (above the head, in the belt and in the knee area) with ropes or strips of fabric, which are called bilbau - “belt”. For men, in addition to this clothing, a turban was wound around the head of the deceased.
Before the removal of the deceased, everyone who was at home repeated the phrase: “There is no god but Allah” 99 times. They carried the deceased out of the house feet first, so that, according to legend, he would never return, the kabyk with the body of the deceased was tied in three places with a towel and laid on a wooden or bast stretcher (sanasa, tim agasy, zhinaza agas), consisting of two long poles with several cross bars.
Women could not take part in the funeral procession, because their presence in the cemetery, according to Muslims, was a violation of the sanctity of the grave. Women accompanied the deceased only to the cemetery gates. According to Muslim etiquette, men did not cry for the dead. After the removal of the body, the female relatives or relatives of the deceased thoroughly washed the whole house and washed the things of the deceased. They were doing this business. It was forbidden to wash anything at the time of the removal of the body, then the washing of the deceased was considered invalid. The clothes of the deceased were distributed as alms (khayer), believing that the person who received them would live a long time. The belongings of a seriously ill person were fumigated or burned.
Bashkir cemeteries (zyyarat) are located not far from the village both in open, steppe places and in groves, mostly birch, carefully protected from felling and kept clean. The land on the territory of the cemetery was considered sacred: it was impossible to cut down trees or kill animals on it, because every inch of land there was allegedly inhabited by the spirits of the dead. The grave was dug in length, corresponding to the height of the deceased, in the direction from east to west; on the side, near the southern wall of the grave, they made a special niche (lakhet) no more than 70 cm high and of the same width.
Before burial, a prayer was again read at the grave. They lowered the deceased into the grave on their hands or on towels (then these towels were distributed to those who lowered them as khayer). In the grave niche under the head of the deceased, dry leaves, shavings or earth were placed in the form of a pillow. The deceased was laid on his back or on his right side, but in any case, the face was turned towards the qibla (south). A stone slab or wooden post was placed at the head of the grave mound. On them [by carving or gouging] they applied tamga - a sign of family affiliation or carved the name of the deceased, years of life, sayings from the Koran.
Tombstones were made from boards, logs and semi-logs with an average height of 0.5 to 1.5 m. The upper part of the column was carved in the shape of a human head. The tombstones were also of various shapes and heights, approximately from 30 cm to 2.5 m. The grave mound was covered with stones of various heights from above, or a frame was placed on top of the grave. The walls of log cabins usually consisted of three to eight crowns.
After the burial, all those present went to the house of the deceased, and the mullah could remain in the cemetery. According to the ideas of the Bashkirs, as soon as people moved 40 steps away from the grave, the deceased came to life and sat down in the grave. If the deceased was a righteous man, he easily answered all questions, and if a sinner, he was unable to answer them.
The Bashkirs believed that after people left the cemetery, the soul immediately returned to the buried. The death of a person was presented as the transition of the soul to a new state. During life, every person had a soul - yәn. It was considered the main part of a person, its absence led to death.
Commemorations, unlike funerals, were not strictly regulated by Islam, and the rituals associated with them among different groups of Bashkirs were not uniform. The Bashkirs always had a commemoration on the 3rd, 7th, 40th day and a year later. According to ancient beliefs, the deceased continued to live after his death. His soul allegedly influenced the living, and they had to take care of him. Funeral food for different groups of Bashkirs was different. It depended both on the well-being of the commemorator, and on local traditions in cooking. On the day of the funeral, they cooked food in a neighboring house, since it was impossible to cook in their own for two days. But this prohibition was not strictly enforced everywhere. Everyone had to try the funeral food, and if he couldn’t eat everything, he took it with him so as not to doom the deceased to hunger in the next world.
In the past, the clothes of the deceased were distributed to people participating in the funeral. Part of the property of the deceased (meaning his personal property) was given to the mullah as a reward for the fact that he undertook to pray for the deceased for quite a long time.
In general, the family life of the Bashkirs was built on honoring the elders, father-in-law and mother-in-law, parents, on unquestioning obedience to them. In Soviet times, especially in cities, family rituals were simplified. In recent years, there has been some revival of Muslim rituals.
The main events of the social life of the Bashkirs took place in the spring and summer. In the early spring, after the arrival of the rooks, in each aul, a “karga tui” (“rook holiday”) festival was held in honor of the reviving nature and the cult of ancestors. Rooks, the first to arrive from the south, in the representations of the Bashkirs personified the awakening of nature. According to popular belief, along with nature, dead ancestors also came to life for a while. The meaning of the holiday is celebrations on the occasion of the general awakening, an appeal to the spirits of ancestors and the forces of nature with a request to make the year prosperous and fertile. Only women and teenagers participated in the celebration. They treated each other with ritual porridge, tea, danced round dances, competed in running, had fun, at the end of the holiday the remains of porridge were left on stumps and stones with the words: “Let the rooks eat, let the year be fruitful, life is prosperous.” The holiday exists at the present time, and men can also take part in them. In some places, mainly in the western regions, this holiday is known as “karga butkagy” (“rook porridge”), apparently, according to the main ritual dish. One pattern is observed: where the name “karga butkagy” is used, the holiday is less significant, the ritual is poorer, and often comes down to amusements and games of teenagers.
On the eve of spring field work, and in some places after them, a plow festival (habantuy) was held. For the holiday, they slaughtered a mare, a cow or several rams, invited guests from neighboring villages, before and after a common meal they arranged a fight (köräsh), horse races (bayge), competitions in running, archery, comic competitions (tug of war, sack fight, breaking pots while blindfolded, etc.). The holiday was accompanied by prayers at the local cemetery. In a number of places, sabantuy and kargatuy overlapped each other: where sabantuy was held, kargatuy was not held, and vice versa.
Apparently, before the beginning of the XIX century. and even earlier, the annual commemoration of the most noble ancestors was timed to the spring festivities, also accompanied by sports competitions, a plentiful meal and amusements. There are indications of this in the oral and poetic creativity of the people and some written sources.
In the middle of summer, jiin (yiyin) was held, a holiday common to several villages, and in more distant times - tribes, volosts. Until the 18th century each of the four roads (regions) of Bashkiria held its own jiin, on which various public issues were resolved, feasts and competitions were arranged. On the most important issues, all-Bashkir jiins were convened, which were banned by the authorities in the 18th century. During the jiins, trade deals, marriage agreements were made, fairs were organized.
Sabantu and jiins are now held in many villages, districts and cities of the republic and have become common holidays for the peoples of Bashkortostan.
In the summer, girls' games were organized in the bosom of nature (kyzzar uyyny), the rite of "cuckoo tea" (kakuk saye) was performed, in which only women participated.
In dry times, a rite of calling rain (telak) was performed with sacrifices, pouring water on each other. During the ceremony, young women were caught and thrown into the river, lake. This was done in a playful way, but it is not difficult to guess that there is a hint of a more ancient custom - to sacrifice young women to the spirit of the water element, the owner of the water. If a rainy year fell and there was little heat and sun, another, opposite rite was performed - calling the sun, warm and clear weather. The ceremonies differed only in that in the first case, animals of a dark suit were slaughtered, in the second - white.
Regarding the spring-summer holidays and rituals, it should be noted that many researchers classify them as purely agricultural. Meanwhile, the ethnic distribution area shows that they existed in a nomadic pastoral environment no less than among farmers. And the ritual itself often had a cattle-breeding character. And the question logically follows: did the cattle breeder care about what the year would be like, whether there would be grass and weather favorable for cattle?
Help (өмә) played a big role in the public life of the Bashkirs, especially during the construction of a house. Almost the entire village gathered to assemble the log house, and when the house was ready, they also celebrated with the whole community. They arranged өmә during haymaking, harvesting, and threshing.
TOPICS OF THE SEMINAR LESSON
1. Ritual - as the meaning of everyday life.
2. Customs and rituals of modern Bashkir society.
CONTROL QUESTIONS
1. Explain the features of a large family community among the ancient Bashkirs.
2. What customs have been preserved in marital relations?
3. How was the marriage ceremony among the Bashkirs?
4. The main stages and rituals of the marriage process.
5. How was the birth ceremony of the Bashkirs?
6. How was the funeral and commemoration of the Bashkirs carried out?
7. Types of spring holidays of the Bashkirs and their meaning.
8. What was organized in the summer for women?
9. Forms, types and features of the Sabantuy holiday.
MAIN LITERATURE
1. Bikbulatov: Brief ethnohistorical reference book / . - Ufa, 1995.
2. Kuzeev of the Middle Volga and Southern Urals: Ethnogenetic view of history / . - M., 1992.
3. Culture of Bashkortostan. People. Developments. Data. - Ufa, 2006. - 72 p.
4. Rudenko: Historical and ethnographic essays /. – M.; L., 1955.
5. Halfin of culture of Bashkortostan: Reader for students of universities of the Republic of Belarus. Issue. 10 / ; MO RF; UTIS; IYAL UC RAS. - Ufa, 2001. - 342 p.
6. Economy and culture of the Bashkirs in the XIX - early XX century. - M., 1979.
ADDITIONAL LITERATURE
1. Arslanov's kitchen / . - Ufa, 1992.
2. Bikbulatov aul: Essay on social and cultural life / . - Ufa: Bashk. book. publishing house, 1969. - 215 p.
3. Essays on the culture of the peoples of Bashkortostan: Textbook / Ed. . - 2nd ed., revised. and additional - Ufa: Publishing house of BSPU, 2006.
4. Petrov bee /. - Ufa, 1983.
5. Rudenko: The experience of an ethnological monograph. Part II. Life of the Bashkirs / . - L., 1925.
CHAPTER 3. MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE BASHKIRS
Bashkir men's costume in the XIX century. was the same for all regions. A spacious and long shirt with a wide turn-down collar and long sleeves, as well as trousers with a wide step, served as underwear and at the same time outerwear. A short sleeveless jacket (kamzul) was worn over the shirt. When going outside, they usually put on a dressing gown made of dark fabric (elәn, bishmat). In cold weather, the Bashkirs wore sheepskin coats (tire tun), short fur coats (bille tun) and cloth robes (sakmәn).
Skullcaps (tүbәtәy) were everyday headwear for men. In cold weather, fur hats (burek, kapäs) were worn over skullcaps. In the steppe regions, in winter snowstorms, they wore warm fur malakhai (kolaksyn, malakhai) with a small crown and a wide blade that covered the back of the head and ears.
The most common footwear among the Eastern and Trans-Ural Bashkirs was saryk boots (saryk) with soft leather heads and soles and high cloth or chrome tops. In the northern and northwestern regions of Bashkortostan, they wore bast bast shoes (sabata) almost all year round. Felt boots (boyma) were worn everywhere in winter. The rest of the territory was dominated by leather shoes (kata) and boots (itek). Elderly men, usually tribal nobility and members of the clergy, wore soft boots (itek). Leaving the house, leather or rubber galoshes were worn over them.
Women's clothing was more varied. The underwear of the Bashkirs were dresses (kuldak) and trousers (yshtan). Married women wore a chest bandage (tushelderek) under their dress until they were very old. A fitted sleeveless jacket (kamzul) was worn on the dress, sheathed with rows of braids (uk), plaques and coins. In the north of Bashkortostan in the XIX century. canvas apron (alyapkys) became widespread.
Dark robes, slightly fitted at the waist, were worn everywhere. Braids, coins, pendants, and beads were sewn onto festive velvet robes. In the winter season, rich Bashkirs wore fur coats made of expensive fur - martens, foxes, beavers, otters (kama tun, basya tun). The less affluent wore warm robes made of white homemade cloth or sheepskin coats.
The most common women's headdress was a cotton scarf (yaulyk). For a long time after the wedding, Eastern and Trans-Ural Bashkirs wore a veil of two uncut factory scarves of red color with a large pattern (kushyaulik). In the north of Bashkortostan, girls and young women wore high and fur hats. One of the ancient headdresses of a married woman was kashmau (a hat with a round neckline on the crown and a long blade descending down the back, which was richly decorated with corals, plaques, silver coins and pendants). Downy and woolen shawls were worn everywhere.
Women's shoes differed little from men's. These are leather shoes, boots, bast shoes, shoes with canvas tops. Stockings were the common footwear for men and women. Three types of stockings were common among the Bashkirs: knitted woolen, cloth and felt. At the end of XIX - beginning of XX centuries. under the influence of the urban population, the Bashkirs begin to sew clothes from woolen and cotton fabrics. They buy shoes, hats and factory-made clothes. However, traditional folk clothing continued to play a leading role.
Nowadays, only the clothes of older people retain traditional features. Young people, mainly young women and girls, wear the traditional costume only on holidays and at weddings. It is widely used in amateur performances, theater and during folk games and sports.
Ornament is one of the oldest forms of human visual activity, known since the Paleolithic. Translated from Latin, ornament means “decoration”, “pattern”.
The original images were unsophisticated: lines drawn by a twig or a fragment of a shell on wet clay, or plant seeds pressed into it. Over time, real seeds were replaced with their images. Already in the Neolithic era, the ornament of ceramics was not a random set of strokes, stripes, dashes, but a thoughtful, compositionally verified drawing filled with symbolic content.
The very special place of the ornament in the culture of a traditional society can be judged by the activity of its use. They decorated clothes (everyday, festive, ritual), women's jewelry, various items (household utensils and religious objects), housing, its decoration, weapons and armor, horse harness.
The Bashkir ornament is characterized by both geometric and curvilinear floral patterns. The form depends on the technique of execution. Geometric motifs were made using the technique of counted embroidery and weaving. Curvilinear-vegetative - in the technique of appliqué, embossing, silver notch, in the technique of free embroidery (tambour, or "oblique mesh"). Usually patterns were applied to wood, leather, metal, canvas. Ornamentation techniques are diverse: carving and painting on wood, embossing and carving on leather, metal processing, appliqué, weaving and mortgage weaving, knitting, embroidery.
The Bashkir ornament is one of the phenomena of the national Bashkir culture, reflecting its originality and specific features. Ornament for the Bashkir people was the only form of artistic and visual creativity. The almost complete absence of realistic images of animals, people and landscapes in Bashkir folk art was due to the influence of Muslim culture, namely, the prohibition in Islam to depict living things. Islam not only excluded from art all other images, except for the ornament, but also determined the extreme stylization of its form, the spread of geometric ornament. However, the northern regions of the Muslim world knew the widespread use of animal images in ornamentation, more often stylized, and sometimes even of a relatively realistic nature.
Paganism with its magical, totemic and animistic ideas had a significant impact on the ornament, its content and form. The adoption and spread of Islam led to the destruction of a unified system of pagan ideas and beliefs. However, pagan motifs associated with folk myths lived long and firmly in decorative and applied art.
As the national culture developed, art was increasingly associated with the aesthetic needs of people. The coloristic solution of patterns is the clearest manifestation of national identity in art. The Bashkir ornament is almost always multicolored, warm colors predominate in it: red, green, yellow. Blue, blue and purple colors are less commonly used. The appearance of aniline dyes had a great influence on the color scheme. Their use destroyed the traditional flavor, which was based on more restrained color combinations. Before the advent of aniline dyes, the Bashkirs used natural ones; natural colors of wool were used to create the traditional color: white, gray, black. The composition of colors in the Bashkir ornament was contrasting: on a red background, a green and yellow pattern, on a black one, red and yellow. The background was always active, bright red, yellow and black colors were often chosen for it; much less often - the white color of the canvas. The alternation of colors is always contrasting, chiaroscuro is almost never found.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Bashkir national dwelling- buildings, places of residence of the Bashkirs.
History
Archaeological research shows that dwellings appeared on the territory of the Republic of Bashkortostan in the Stone Age.
Dwellings were arranged at different times according to the level of development of the population:
- In the Paleolithic - in caves, rock crevices with log ceilings (Surtandin sites).
- In the Neolithic and Eneolithic - dugouts were built
- In the Bronze Age and the Iron Age, ground log buildings, dugouts and semi-dugouts with 1-4 pitched roofs were built. The dwellings had open hearths, about 1 meter deep, and utility pits.
Cultures of the Bronze Age:
- The population of the Srubna culture built dugouts, semi-dugouts, ground dwellings of a rectangular or oval pillar structure made of logs, with a 1- or 2-pitched roof (Tavlykaev settlement).
- The population of the Fedorovka culture built semi-dugouts and ground dwellings of a pillar construction of a square or rectangular shape;
- The population of the Petrine culture built rectangular ground dwellings;
- The population of the Alakul, Prikazan, Cherkaskul, Gamayun, Pyanyobor, Imenkov cultures built above-ground log-frame log frame structures with outbuildings.
Leading a nomadic and semi-nomadic lifestyle, the Bashkirs needed permanent and temporary dwellings. Accordingly, permanent and temporary dwellings were built. Temporary dwellings were built in the summer camps of the Bashkirs. These included yurts; conical bark, bast, birch bark cone huts-plagues; booths; log huts (burama); koshom tents (satyr), felt tents kosh. On the southern spurs of the Ural Mountains in the Zilairsky, Zianchurinsky and Kugarchinsky regions of the Republic of Belarus, prefabricated alasyks were built. Yurt was a universal dwelling.
Permanent dwellings were built of frame construction. The gaps were filled with wood, earth, clay, straw, adobe. The foundation was log, made of stones or stone slabs. The floor is planked, sometimes earthen silt made of adobe. Roofs on slats or rafters. To protect the coating from decay, the roofs were made without gables. In the mountain-forest regions of Bashkortostan, there were no ridge logs on the roofs. As a utility room for cooking and storing food, asalyk was built from bast, tyn or wattle fence with the house.
In the 19th century, depending on the places of settlement, the Bashkirs built houses of the following types: stone - rectangular in shape with higher facade walls; log cabins - a 4-wall hut (dүrt mөyөshlo өy, һynar yort) with a canopy (solan); adobe (saman өy) - made of raw bricks, with a flat or sloping roof; wattle - from stakes braided with willow and smeared inside and out with clay; sod or plast houses (kas өy) - from turf laid down with grass. Sod for strengthening was laid with poles.
The permanent dwellings had windows. According to the beliefs of the Bashkirs, one could be exposed to a severe evil eye through them, so one should not talk through the window.
Yurt
Bashkirs built yurts from wool, wood and leather. In its lower part there was a lattice fastened with straps. Above is a wooden circle for the passage of smoke and light. A curtain (sharshau) divided the yurt into two parts. The right, smaller part was female, it had a bedroom with household items, clothes and supplies. The left part was for men - a guest room.
The entrance to the yurt was located on the south side.
home decoration
The red color had a protective function among the Bashkirs. The frame of the yurt and the door were painted red-brown to make them impassable for impure forces.
The facade of the house was decorated more than the side facing the courtyard. Starting from the 19th century, the windows of the Bashkir huts were decorated with decorative platbands with patterns based on motifs that have symbolic meanings (rhombus and circle). Particular attention was paid to the decoration of their upper parts. The window board was ornamented with notched carvings, rhombuses, and squares. The main distinguishing feature in the design of modern architraves is coloring. Contrasting colors are most often chosen: dark and light. If the platband is painted in dark colors (dark blue), then the overhead figures are light, and vice versa.
The Bashkirs used embroidered carpets, towels, festive clothes, jewelry, hunting accessories, horse harness and weapons to decorate the inside of their dwellings.
Interior decoration
The northern part of the Bashkir dwelling, opposite the entrance, was considered the main one and was intended for guests. In the center of the dwelling there was a hearth, above it - a smoke hole. If the hearth was in the courtyard, then a tablecloth was spread in the center of the dwelling, pillows, soft bedding, saddlecloths were laid out around it. There were rugs and pillows on the floor. Textiles, carpets, rugs, felts, tablecloths, curtains, napkins and towels had a semantic meaning in the house - they made the house a protected area.
In the male part of the dwelling there were chests on wooden stands with rugs, felt mats, blankets, pillows, mattresses. Holiday clothes were hung on the walls. In a conspicuous place are saddles, inlaid harness, a bow in a leather case and arrows in a quiver, a saber. Kitchen utensils flaunted on the women's side.
The main accessories were wooden bunks on props. The bunks were covered with felts and rugs, pillows, mattresses, and quilted blankets. They slept and ate on the bunks. The edges of the bunks were decorated with geometric ornaments with symbolic rhombuses denoting the four cardinal directions.
In permanent dwellings, heat in the house during the cold season was provided by a stove. The most common form of stove was the chimney stove (suval). According to the ancient ideas of the Bashkirs, a brownie lives in the oven, and through the chimney the shaitan can enter the house. Therefore, all openings in the furnaces after the firebox were closed. Stoves are also installed in modern Bashkir houses in case centralized heating ends.
Museums
Materials on the history of the Bashkir dwelling are presented in the museums of the Republic of Belarus:
- Museum of Chelyabinsk University
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Literature
- Bashkir encyclopedia. Ch. ed. M. A. Ilgamov vol. 1. A-B. 2005. - 624 p.; ISBN 5-88185-053-X. v. 2. V-Zh. 2006. −624 p. ISBN 5-88185-062-9.; v. 3. Z-K. 2007. −672 p. ISBN 978-5-88185-064-7.; v. 4. L-O. 2008. −672 p. ISBN 978-5-88185-068-5.; v. 5. P-S. 2009. −576 p. ISBN 978-5-88185-072-2.; v. 6. Councils of people. economy. -U. 2010. −544 p. ISBN 978-5-88185-071-5; v. 7. F-Ya. 2011. −624 p. scientific. ed. Bashkir Encyclopedia, Ufa.
- Rudenko S. I. "Bashkirs: Experience of an ethnological monograph". Part 2. Life of the Bashkirs. L., 1925
- Rudenko S. I. Bashkirs: Historical and ethnographic essays. M.-L., 1955;
- Shitova S. N. Traditional settlements and dwellings of the Bashkirs. M., 1984.
- Maslennikova T. A. Artistic design of the Bashkir people's dwelling. Ufa: Gilem, 1998. 9.6 pp.
Links
- wiki02.ru/encyclopedia/zhilishhe/t/4736
- www.rbwoman.ru/node/108
- www.ufa-gid.com/encyclopedia/gili.html
- www.360gu.ru/?p=638
- www.kraeved-samara.ru/archives/2420
- discollection.ru/article/08082011_maslennikovata/5
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An excerpt characterizing the Bashkir national dwelling
In the abandoned tavern, in front of which stood the doctor's wagon, there were already about five officers. Marya Genrikhovna, a plump blond German woman in a blouse and nightcap, was sitting in the front corner on a wide bench. Her husband, the doctor, slept behind her. Rostov and Ilyin, greeted with cheerful exclamations and laughter, entered the room.- AND! what fun you have, ”said Rostov, laughing.
- And what are you yawning?
- Good! So it flows from them! Don't wet our living room.
“Don’t get Marya Genrikhovna’s dress dirty,” the voices answered.
Rostov and Ilyin hurried to find a corner where, without violating the modesty of Marya Genrikhovna, they could change their wet clothes. They went behind the partition to change their clothes; but in a small closet, filling it all up, with one candle on an empty box, three officers were sitting, playing cards, and would not give up their place for anything. Marya Genrikhovna gave up her skirt for a while in order to use it instead of a curtain, and behind this curtain, Rostov and Ilyin, with the help of Lavrushka, who brought packs, took off their wet and put on a dry dress.
A fire was kindled in the broken stove. They took out a board and, having fixed it on two saddles, covered it with a blanket, took out a samovar, a cellar and half a bottle of rum, and, asking Marya Genrikhovna to be the hostess, everyone crowded around her. Who offered her a clean handkerchief to wipe her lovely hands, who put a Hungarian coat under her legs so that it would not be damp, who curtained the window with a raincoat so that it would not blow, who fanned the flies from her husband’s face so that he would not wake up.
“Leave him alone,” said Marya Genrikhovna, smiling timidly and happily, “he sleeps well after a sleepless night.
“It’s impossible, Marya Genrikhovna,” answered the officer, “you must serve the doctor.” Everything, maybe, and he will take pity on me when he cuts his leg or arm.
There were only three glasses; the water was so dirty that it was impossible to decide when the tea was strong or weak, and there was only six glasses of water in the samovar, but it was all the more pleasant, in turn and seniority, to receive your glass from Marya Genrikhovna’s plump hands with short, not quite clean nails . All the officers really seemed to be in love with Marya Genrikhovna that evening. Even those officers who were playing cards behind the partition soon gave up the game and went over to the samovar, obeying the general mood of wooing Marya Genrikhovna. Marya Genrikhovna, seeing herself surrounded by such brilliant and courteous youth, beamed with happiness, no matter how hard she tried to hide it and no matter how obviously shy at every sleepy movement of her husband sleeping behind her.
There was only one spoon, there was most of the sugar, but they did not have time to stir it, and therefore it was decided that she would stir the sugar in turn for everyone. Rostov, having received his glass and poured rum into it, asked Marya Genrikhovna to stir it.
- Are you without sugar? she said, smiling all the time, as if everything she said, and everything others said, was very funny and had another meaning.
- Yes, I don’t need sugar, I just want you to stir with your pen.
Marya Genrikhovna agreed and began to look for the spoon, which someone had already seized.
- You're a finger, Marya Genrikhovna, - said Rostov, - it will be even more pleasant.
- Hot! said Marya Genrikhovna, blushing with pleasure.
Ilyin took a bucket of water and, dropping rum into it, came to Marya Genrikhovna, asking her to stir it with her finger.
“This is my cup,” he said. - Just put your finger in, I'll drink it all.
When the samovar was all drunk, Rostov took the cards and offered to play kings with Marya Genrikhovna. A lot was cast as to who should form the party of Marya Genrikhovna. The rules of the game, at the suggestion of Rostov, were that the one who would be the king had the right to kiss the hand of Marya Genrikhovna, and that the one who remained a scoundrel would go to put a new samovar for the doctor when he wakes up.
“Well, what if Marya Genrikhovna becomes king?” Ilyin asked.
- She's a queen! And her orders are the law.
The game had just begun, when the doctor's confused head suddenly rose from behind Marya Genrikhovna. He had not slept for a long time and listened to what was said, and apparently did not find anything cheerful, funny or amusing in everything that was said and done. His face was sad and dejected. He did not greet the officers, scratched himself and asked for permission to leave, as he was blocked from the road. As soon as he left, all the officers burst into loud laughter, and Marya Genrikhovna blushed to tears, and thus became even more attractive to the eyes of all the officers. Returning from the courtyard, the doctor told his wife (who had already ceased to smile so happily and, fearfully awaiting the verdict, looked at him) that the rain had passed and that we had to go to spend the night in a wagon, otherwise they would all be dragged away.
- Yes, I'll send a messenger ... two! Rostov said. - Come on, doctor.
"I'll be on my own!" Ilyin said.
“No, gentlemen, you slept well, but I haven’t slept for two nights,” said the doctor, and sat down gloomily beside his wife, waiting for the game to be over.
Looking at the gloomy face of the doctor, looking askance at his wife, the officers became even more cheerful, and many could not help laughing, for which they hastily tried to find plausible pretexts. When the doctor left, taking his wife away, and got into the wagon with her, the officers lay down in the tavern, covering themselves with wet overcoats; but they didn’t sleep for a long time, now talking, remembering the doctor’s fright and the doctor’s merriment, now running out onto the porch and reporting what was happening in the wagon. Several times Rostov, wrapping himself up, wanted to fall asleep; but again someone's remark amused him, again the conversation began, and again there was heard the causeless, cheerful, childish laughter.
At three o'clock, no one had yet fallen asleep, when the sergeant-major appeared with the order to march to the town of Ostrovna.
All with the same accent and laughter, the officers hurriedly began to gather; again put the samovar on the dirty water. But Rostov, without waiting for tea, went to the squadron. It was already light; The rain stopped, the clouds dispersed. It was damp and cold, especially in a damp dress. Leaving the tavern, Rostov and Ilyin both at dusk looked into the doctor's leather kibitka, glossy from the rain, from under the apron of which the doctor's legs stuck out and in the middle of which the doctor's bonnet was visible on the pillow and sleepy breathing was heard.
"Really, she's very nice!" Rostov said to Ilyin, who was leaving with him.
- What a lovely woman! Ilyin replied with sixteen-year-old seriousness.
Half an hour later, the lined up squadron stood on the road. The command was heard: “Sit down! The soldiers crossed themselves and began to sit down. Rostov, riding forward, commanded: “March! - and, stretching out in four people, the hussars, sounding with the slapping of hooves on the wet road, the strumming of sabers and in a low voice, set off along the large road lined with birches, following the infantry and the battery walking ahead.
Broken blue-lilac clouds, reddening at sunrise, were quickly driven by the wind. It got brighter and brighter. One could clearly see that curly grass that always sits along country roads, still wet from yesterday's rain; the hanging branches of the birch trees, also wet, swayed in the wind and dropped light drops to the side. The faces of the soldiers became clearer and clearer. Rostov rode with Ilyin, who did not lag behind him, along the side of the road, between a double row of birches.
Rostov in the campaign allowed himself the freedom to ride not on a front-line horse, but on a Cossack. Both a connoisseur and a hunter, he recently got himself a dashing Don, large and kind playful horse, on which no one jumped him. Riding this horse was a pleasure for Rostov. He thought of the horse, of the morning, of the doctor's wife, and never once thought of the impending danger.
Before, Rostov, going into business, was afraid; now he did not feel the least sense of fear. Not because he was not afraid that he was accustomed to fire (one cannot get used to danger), but because he had learned to control his soul in the face of danger. He was accustomed, going into business, to think about everything, except for what seemed to be more interesting than anything else - about the impending danger. No matter how hard he tried, or reproached himself for cowardice during the first time of his service, he could not achieve this; but over the years it has now become self-evident. He was now riding beside Ilyin between the birches, occasionally tearing leaves from the branches that came to hand, sometimes touching the horse's groin with his foot, sometimes giving, without turning, his smoked pipe to the hussar who was riding behind, with such a calm and carefree look, as if he were riding ride. It was a pity for him to look at the agitated face of Ilyin, who spoke a lot and uneasily; he knew from experience that agonizing state of expectation of fear and death in which the cornet was, and he knew that nothing but time would help him.
