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Causes and beginning of the February Revolution. Login

Causes and beginning of the February Revolution. Login

23.09.2019

The victory of the February Revolution in Russia led to fundamental changes in the state system. Already in the course of the revolution on February 27, 1917, the emperor issued a decree on a break in the meetings of the State Duma and the State Council.

On the same day, the Council of Ministers, having sent a request to the emperor for its collective resignation, ceased to exist. On March 2, 1917, Nicholas II abdicated in favor of his brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. He, refusing to accept the throne, by the Manifesto of March 3, 1917, granted the right to decide the question of the form of power in Russia to the future Constituent Assembly. The monarchy in Russia ceased to exist.

After the victory of the February Revolution, dual power was established in Russia, when, after the fall of the autocracy, two independent bodies of power appeared on the political arena - the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.

The Provisional Government was formed on March 2, 1917 by agreement between the Provisional Committee and the Petrograd Soviet.

The provisional government, bound by a number of obligations with the Petrograd Soviet, announced a complete political amnesty; proclaimed the fundamental rights and freedoms of citizens; equality of soldiers with citizens; the abolition of all class, religious and national restrictions; the creation of a people's militia instead of the police; the beginning of preparations for the convocation of the Constituent Assembly.

From February to July 1917, the Provisional Government exercised supreme power jointly with the Petrograd Soviet.

During its activity, the Provisional Government formed and included in its composition: the Ministry of Labor, the Ministry of Food, the Ministry of State Charity, the Ministry of Religious Affairs, etc. New bodies were created: the Economic Conference, the Legal Conference. Meeting on the reform of local self-government. The gendarmerie, the police and the Press Office were abolished.

The government experienced a series of political crises that led to the formation of coalition governments: on May 2-3, July 24 and September 25, 1917, the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies (Petrosoviet) became a rival of the Provisional Government in the struggle for power.

In the first days of the revolution, Soviets of Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Deputies began to be created. At the All-Russian Conference of Soviets in March-April 1917, the territorial system of Soviets was defined: regional, provincial, district, district associations (congresses) and All-Russian associations (congresses, meetings). The principles of election, collegiality, turnover of members, etc., were in effect in the activities of the Soviets. The Soviets had their own armed formations: the police and the Red Guard. In the economic sphere, during the revolution, the Soviets established workers' control at enterprises, introduced an eight-hour working day, and regulated land relations.

In June 1917, the First All-Russian Congress of Soviets was held. The Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik majority generally expressed support for the government. The Bolsheviks demanded the transfer of all power to the Soviets.

After the February Revolution of 1917, dual power was established in Russia, when, after the fall of the autocracy, two independent bodies of power appeared on the political arena: the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies and local Soviets.

There were two governments in the country. Regional, provincial, city, county and volost Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies constituted a system of bodies claiming executive power. The provisional government, its county and provincial commissars, zemstvos, City Dumas and councils, and the local government apparatus constituted a different system of organs. The system headed by the Provisional Government turned out to be in a priority position, because it had experienced personnel, connections, knowledge, support from foreign countries and domestic capital, etc.

Relations between the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet ranged from cooperation to rivalry.

After the unsuccessful attempt of the Petrosoviet on July 4–5 to establish autocracy, the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies and the Central Committee of the All-Russian Council of Peasants' Deputies announced on July 9 that they recognized the unlimited powers of the Provisional Government. Thus, the Provisional Government concentrated in its hands the highest legislative and executive power.

Causes and prerequisites: economic, political, social

The inability of society to influence the government is the limited capacity of the State Duma and the lack of control of the government (and at the same time, the limited powers of the government).

The emperor could no longer single-handedly resolve all issues, but he could radically interfere with the conduct of a consistent policy without bearing any responsibility.

Under these conditions, politics could not express the interests of not only the majority, but also any significant part of the population, which caused spontaneous discontent, and restrictions on the public expression of protest led to the radicalization of the opposition.

Draft composition of the Provisional Government, represented by representatives of the parties "Kadets", "Octobrists" and a group of members of the State Council. Editing of Emperor Nicholas II.

The February Revolution was not only a consequence of the failures of the Russian government during the First World War. But it was not the war that caused all the contradictions that were then in Russia, the war exposed them and accelerated the fall of tsarism. The war forced the crisis of the autocratic system.

The war struck the system of economic ties - primarily between the city and the countryside. The situation with food became aggravated in the country; Famine began in the country. The highest state power was also discredited by the chain of scandals around Rasputin and his entourage, who were then called "dark forces". By 1916, indignation at Rasputin had already reached the Russian armed forces - both officers and lower ranks. The fatal mistakes of the tsar, combined with the loss of confidence in the tsarist government, led it to political isolation, and the presence of an active opposition created fertile ground for a political revolution.

On the eve of the February Revolution in Russia, against the backdrop of an acute food crisis, the political crisis deepens. For the first time the State Duma demanded the resignation of the tsarist government, this demand was supported by the State Council.

The political crisis grew. On November 1, 1916, P. N. Milyukov delivered a speech at a meeting of the State Duma. "Stupidity or treason?" - with such a question, P. N. Milyukov characterized the phenomenon of Rasputinism on November 1, 1916 at a meeting of the State Duma.

The State Duma's demand for the resignation of the tsarist government and the creation of a "responsible government" - responsible to the Duma, led to the resignation of the chairman of the government, Stürmer, on November 10 and the appointment of a consistent monarchist, General Trepov, to this post. The State Duma, trying to diffuse discontent in the country, continued to insist on the creation of a "responsible government" and the State Council joins its demands. On December 16, Nicholas II sends the State Duma and the State Council to the Christmas holidays until January 3.

Growing crisis

Barricades on Liteiny Prospekt. Postcard from the State Museum of Political History of Russia

On the night of December 17, Rasputin was killed as a result of a conspiracy of monarchists, but this did not resolve the political crisis. On December 27, Nicholas II dismissed Trepov and appointed Prince Golitsyn as Chairman of the Council of Ministers. During the transfer of cases, he received from Trepov two decrees signed by the tsar on the dissolution of the State Duma and the State Council with unmarked dates. Golitsyn was supposed to find a compromise and resolve the political crisis through behind-the-scenes negotiations with the leaders of the State Duma.

In total, in Russia in January-February 1917, only at enterprises subordinate to the supervision of the factory inspectorate, 676 thousand people went on strike, of which participants political strikes in January were 60%, and in February - 95%).

On February 14, sessions of the State Duma opened. They showed that events in Russia were getting out of the control of the authorities, the State Duma abandoned the demand for the creation of a “responsible government” and limited itself to agreeing to the creation by the tsar of a “government of trust” - a government that the State Duma could trust, the Duma members were completely at a loss.

Subsequent events showed that there were more powerful forces in Russian society that did not want a solution to the political crisis, and deeper reasons for a democratic revolution and a transition from a monarchy to a republic.

Difficulties in supplying the city with bread, rumors about the imminent introduction of bread cards led to the disappearance of bread. Long queues lined up at the bread shops - "tails", as they said then.

February 18 (on Saturday at the Putilov Plant - the largest artillery plant in the country and Petrograd, which employed 36 thousand workers - the workers of the Fire Monitor and Stamping Workshop (workshop) went on strike, demanding a 50% increase in wages. February 20 (Monday) Administration plant agreed to raise wages by 20% on the condition of "immediately start work". The delegates of the workers asked the consent of the Administration to start work from the next day. The administration did not agree and closed the Fire Monitor and Stamping "workshop" on February 21. In support of the strikers on February 21, they began to stop work and other workshops.On February 22, the Administration of the plant issued an order to dismiss all workers of the Fire Monitor and Stamping "workshop" and close the plant for an indefinite period - announced a lockout. .

As a result, 36 thousand workers of the Putilov factory found themselves in war conditions without work and without armor from the front.

On February 22, Nicholas II leaves Petrograd for Mogilev to the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief.

The main events

On February 24, demonstrations and meetings of the Putilov workers resumed. Workers from other factories began to join them. 90 thousand workers went on strike. Strikes and political actions began to grow into a general political demonstration against tsarism.

Announcement by the commander of the troops of the Petrograd Military District S. S. Khabalov on the use of weapons to disperse demonstrations. February 25, 1917

On February 25, a general strike began, which involved 240,000 workers. Petrograd was declared under a state of siege, by decree of Nicholas II, meetings of the State Duma and the State Council were suspended until April 1, 1917. Nicholas II ordered the army to suppress the protests of workers in Petrograd
On February 26, columns of demonstrators moved towards the city center. Troops were brought into the streets, but the soldiers began to refuse to shoot at the workers. There were several clashes with the police, by the evening the police cleared the city center of demonstrators.
On February 27 (March 12), an armed uprising of the soldiers of the Petrograd garrison began early in the morning - the training team of the reserve battalion of the Volynsky regiment, consisting of 600 people, rebelled. The soldiers decided not to shoot at the demonstrators and join the workers. The team leader was killed. The Volynsky regiment was joined by the Lithuanian and Preobrazhensky regiments. As a result, a general strike of workers was supported by an armed uprising of soldiers. (On the morning of February 27, there were 10 thousand rebel soldiers, in the afternoon - 26 thousand, in the evening - 66 thousand, the next day - 127 thousand, on March 1 - 170 thousand, that is the whole garrison Petrograd.) The insurgent soldiers marched in formation to the center of the city. On the way, the Arsenal was captured - the Petrograd artillery depot. The workers received 40,000 rifles and 30,000 revolvers in their hands. The city prison "Crosses" was captured, all the prisoners were released. Political prisoners, including the Gvozdev group, joined the rebels and led the column. The City Court was burned down. The rebellious soldiers and workers occupied the most important points of the city, government buildings and arrested ministers. At about 2 pm, thousands of soldiers came to the Taurida Palace, where the State Duma was meeting, and occupied all its corridors and the surrounding area. They had no way back, they needed political leadership.

The Duma faced a choice either to join the uprising and try to control the movement, or to perish along with tsarism. Under these conditions, the State Duma decided to formally obey the tsar's decree on the dissolution of the Duma, but by decision of a private meeting of deputies, it created a Provisional Committee of the State Duma at about 17:00, chaired by the Octobrist M. Rodzianko, by co-opting 2 deputies from each faction. On the night of February 28, the Provisional Committee announced that it was taking power into its own hands.

After the insurgent soldiers came to the Tauride Palace, the deputies of the left factions of the State Duma and representatives of the trade unions created the Provisional Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies in the Tauride Palace. He distributed leaflets to factories and soldier units with a call to choose their deputies and send them to the Taurida Palace by 19 o'clock, 1 deputy from every thousand workers and from each company. At 9 pm, meetings of workers' deputies opened in the left wing of the Tauride Palace and the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies was created, headed by the Menshevik Chkheidze and deputy chairman of the Executive Committee, Trudovik A.F. Kerensky. The Petrograd Soviet included representatives of the socialist parties (Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries and Bolsheviks), trade unions and non-party workers and soldiers. The Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries played a decisive role in the Soviet. The Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies decided to support the Provisional Committee of the State Duma in creating the Provisional Government, but not to participate in it.
February 28 (March 13) - Chairman of the Provisional Committee Rodzianko is negotiating with the Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, General Alekseev, on the support of the Provisional Committee from the army, and is also negotiating with Nicholas II, in order to prevent a revolution and overthrow the monarchy.

Order number 1 decomposed the Russian army, eliminated the main components of any army at all times - the most severe hierarchy and discipline.

The Provisional Committee formed a Provisional Government headed by Prince Lvov, who was replaced by the socialist Kerensky. The provisional government announced elections to the Constituent Assembly. The Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies was elected. A dual power was established in the country.

The development of the revolution in Petrograd after the overthrow of the monarchy:

March 3 (16) - the murders of officers began in Helsingfors, among which were Rear Admiral A.K. Nebolsin, Vice Admiral A.I. Nepenin.
March 4 (17) - two manifestos were published in the newspapers - the Manifesto on the abdication of Nicholas II and the Manifesto on the abdication of Mikhail Alexandrovich, as well as the Political Program of the 1st Provisional Government.

Effects

The fall of autocracy and the establishment of dual power

The peculiarity of the revolution was the establishment of dual power in the country:

bourgeois-democratic power was represented by the Provisional Government, its local bodies (public security committees), local self-government (city and zemstvo), representatives of the Kadets and Octobrist parties entered the government;

revolutionary democratic power - Soviets of workers', soldiers', peasants' deputies, soldiers' committees in the army and navy.

Negative results of the fall of autocracy

The main negative results of the overthrow of the autocracy by the February Revolution in Russia can be considered:

The transition from the evolutionary development of society to development along a revolutionary path, which inevitably led to an increase in the number of violent crimes against the person and infringement of property rights in society.
Significant weakening of the army(as a result of revolutionary agitation in the army and order number 1), a drop in its combat effectiveness and, as a result, its ineffective further struggle on the fronts of the First World War.
Destabilization of society which led to a deep split in the existing civil society in Russia. As a result, there was a sharp increase in class contradictions in society, the growth of which during 1917 led to the transfer of power into the hands of radical forces, which ultimately led to the Civil War in Russia.

Positive results of the fall of autocracy

The main positive result of the overthrow of the autocracy by the February Revolution in Russia can be considered a short-term consolidation of society due to the adoption of a number of democratic legislative acts and a real chance for society, on the basis of this consolidation, to resolve many long-standing contradictions in the country's social development. However, as subsequent events that ultimately led to a bloody civil war showed, the leaders of the country, who came to power as a result of the February revolution, were unable to take advantage of these real, albeit extremely small (given that Russia was at that moment in a state of war) chances. on this.

Change of political regime

The old state bodies were abolished. The most democratic law on elections to the Constituent Assembly was adopted: universal, equal, direct by secret ballot. On October 6, 1917, by its decree, the Provisional Government dissolved the State Duma in connection with the proclamation of Russia as a republic and the start of elections to the All-Russian Constituent Assembly.
The State Council of the Russian Empire was dissolved.
The Provisional Government formed an Extraordinary Commission of Inquiry to investigate the malfeasance of tsarist ministers and senior officials.
On March 12, a Decree was issued on the abolition of the death penalty, which was replaced in especially serious criminal cases with 15 years of hard labor.
On March 18, an amnesty was announced for those convicted on criminal grounds. 15 thousand prisoners were released from places of detention. This caused a surge in crime in the country.
On March 18-20, a series of decrees and resolutions were issued to abolish religious and national restrictions.
Restrictions in the choice of place of residence, property rights were abolished, complete freedom of occupation was proclaimed, women were equalized in rights with men.
The Ministry of the Imperial Court was gradually liquidated. The property of the former imperial house, members of the royal family - palaces with artistic values, industrial enterprises, lands, etc. in March-April 1917 became the property of the state.

Decree "On the establishment of the police". Already on February 28, the police was abolished and the people's militia was formed. 40,000 people's militia guarded enterprises and urban areas instead of 6,000 policemen. Detachments of the people's militia were also created in other cities. Subsequently, along with the people's militia, fighting workers' squads (the Red Guard) also appeared. According to the adopted resolution, uniformity was introduced into the already created detachments of the workers' militia, the limits of their competence were established.
Decree on Assemblies and Unions. All citizens could form unions and hold meetings without restrictions. There were no political motives for closing the unions; only the court could close the union.
Decree on amnesty for all persons convicted for political reasons.
The Separate Corps of Gendarmes was abolished, including the railway police and security departments, and special civil courts (March 4).

Trade union movement

On April 12, a law on assemblies and unions was issued. The workers restored the democratic organizations banned during the war years (trade unions, factory committees). By the end of 1917, there were more than 2,000 trade unions in the country, headed by the All-Russian Central Council of Trade Unions (chaired by the Menshevik V.P. Grinevich).

Changes in the local government system

On March 4, 1917, a resolution was adopted to remove all governors and vice-governors from office. In the provinces where the Zemstvo worked, the governors were replaced by the chairmen of the provincial zemstvo councils, where there were no zemstvos, the places remained unoccupied, which paralyzed the system of local government.

Preparations for the elections to the Constituent Assembly

Immediately after the February Revolution, preparations began for elections to a constituent assembly. The most democratic law on elections to the Constituent Assembly was adopted: universal, equal, direct by secret ballot. Preparations for the elections dragged on until the end of 1917.

crisis of power

The inability of the Provisional Government to get out of the crisis caused an increase in revolutionary ferment: mass demonstrations took place on April 18 (May 1), in July 1917, the July uprising of 1917 - the period of peaceful development ended. Power passed to the Provisional Government. The duality is over. The death penalty was introduced. The failure of the August speech of the Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Army, Infantry General L. G. Kornilov, became prelude to Bolshevism, since the elections to the Soviets that followed shortly after the victory of A.F. Kerensky in his confrontation with L.G. Kornilov brought victory to the Bolsheviks, which changed their composition and their policy.

Church and revolution

Already on March 7-8, 1917, the Holy Synod issued a definition that ordered all the clergy of the Russian Orthodox Church: in all cases, at divine services, instead of commemorating the reigning house, offer prayers for the God-protected Power of Russia and its Blessed Provisional Government .

Symbol

The symbol of the February Revolution was a red bow, red banners. The former government was declared "tsarism" and the "old regime". The word "comrade" was included.

Notes

Bibliography

Archive of the Russian Revolution (edited by G. V. Gessen). M., Terra, 1991. In 12 volumes.
Pipes R. Russian Revolution. M., 1994.
Katkov G. Russia, 1917. The February Revolution. London, 1967.
Moorhead A. The Russian Revolution. New York, 1958.
Dyakin V. S. ABOUT ONE FAILURE ATTEMPT OF TSARISM TO "SOLUTE" THE LAND ISSUE DURING THE FIRST WORLD WAR. (Goals and nature of the so-called liquidation of German land ownership in Russia)

Photos and documents

Soldiers' demonstration in the February days.

Demonstration of soldiers demanding imprisonment for Nicholas the bloody. March 1917

Arrest and escort of disguised policemen. February 1917.

Meeting of the Provisional Government in the Mariinsky Palace. From right to left: Minister of Trade and Industry A.I. Konovalov, Minister of Agriculture A.I. Shingarev, Minister of Railways N.V. Nekrasov, Minister of Foreign Affairs P.N. Milyukov; Chairman of the Council of Ministers Prince G.E. Lviv; Minister of Justice A.F. Kerensky; Minister of Finance M.I. Tereshchenko; state controller I.V. Godnev; Minister of Public Education A.A. Manuilov; Deputy Minister of the Interior D.M. Shchepkin; manager of government affairs V.D. Nabokov

The February Revolution of 1917 got its name because the main events began to take place in February according to the then current Julian calendar. It should be borne in mind that the transition to the Gregorian calendar took place in 1918. Therefore, these events became known as the February revolution, although, in fact, it was about the March uprising.

Researchers draw attention to the fact that there are certain claims to the definition of "revolution". This term was introduced into circulation by Soviet historiography following the government, which thus wanted to emphasize the popular character of what was happening. However, objective scientists pay attention to the fact that this is, in fact, a coup. Despite loud slogans and discontent objectively brewing in the country, the broad masses were not drawn into the main events of the February revolution. The working class, which had begun to take shape at that time, became the basic driving force, but it was too small in number. The peasantry, for the most part, turned out to be on the sidelines.

The day before, a political crisis was brewing in the country. Since 1915, the emperor had formed a rather strong opposition, which gradually increased its strength. Its main goal was the transition from autocracy to a constitutional monarchy in the style of Great Britain, and not what the February and October revolutions of 1917 eventually led to. Many historians note that such a course of events would have been smoother and would have made it possible to do without numerous human casualties, sharp social upheavals, which subsequently resulted in a civil war.

Also, when discussing the nature of the February Revolution, it should be noted that it was affected by the First World War, which drew too much power from Russia. People did not have enough food, medicines, the most necessary. A large number of peasants were employed at the front, there was no one to sow. Production was focused on military needs, and other industries suffered noticeably. Cities literally flooded with crowds of people who needed food, work, housing. At the same time, the impression was created that the emperor was simply following what was happening and was not going to do anything, although in such conditions it was simply impossible not to react. As a result, the coup could also be called an outbreak of public discontent that had accumulated against the imperial family over many years.

Since 1915, the role of Empress Alexandra Feodorovna in the government of the country has grown sharply, which was not very popular among the people, especially because of an unhealthy attachment to Rasputin. And when the emperor assumed the duties of commander in chief and moved away from everyone in the Headquarters, problems began to accumulate like a snowball. We can say that it was a fundamentally wrong move, deadly for the entire Romanov dynasty.

The Russian Empire at that time was also very unlucky with managers. Ministers were almost constantly replaced, and most of them did not want to delve into the situation, some simply did not differ in leadership abilities. And few people understood what a real threat hung over the country.

At the same time, certain social conflicts that had remained unresolved since the 1905 revolution escalated. Thus, when the revolution began, the beginning set in motion a huge mechanism resembling a pendulum. And he demolished the whole old system, but at the same time he got out of control and destroyed a lot of things that were needed.

Grand Duke's Fronde

It is worth noting that the nobility is often accused of doing nothing. Actually it is not. Already in 1916, even his close relatives were in opposition to the emperor. In history, this phenomenon has been called the “grand princely opposition”. In short, the main requirements were the formation of a government responsible to the Duma, the removal of the actual control of the Empress and Rasputin. The move, according to some historians, is correct, only a little belated. When real actions began, in fact the revolution had already begun, the beginning of serious changes could not be stopped.

Other researchers believe that in 1917 the February revolution would only have occurred in connection with internal processes and accumulated contradictions. And the October war was already a successful attempt to plunge the country into a civil war, into a state of complete instability. Thus, it was established that Lenin and the Bolsheviks in general were quite well supported financially from abroad. However, it is worth returning to the February events.

The views of political forces

A table will help to demonstrate quite clearly the political moods that prevailed then.

From the above, it is clear that the political forces that existed at that time united only in opposition to the emperor. Otherwise, they did not find understanding, and their goals were often opposite.

Driving Forces of the February Revolution

Speaking about what actually drove the revolution, it is worth noting several points at the same time. First, political discontent. Secondly, the intelligentsia, which did not see the leader of the nation in the emperor, he was not suitable for this role. The “ministerial leapfrog” also had serious consequences, as a result of which there was no order inside the country, officials turned out to be dissatisfied, who did not understand who to obey, in what order to work.

Analyzing the prerequisites and causes of the February Revolution of 1917, it is worth noting: there were massive workers' strikes. However, a lot happened on the anniversary of Bloody Sunday, so not everyone wanted a real overthrow of the regime and a complete change in the country, it is likely that these were just performances timed to coincide with a specific date, as well as a means to draw attention to themselves.

Moreover, if you search for information on the topic “presentation of the February Revolution of 1917”, you can find evidence that the most depressive moods reigned in Petrograd. Which was frankly strange, because even at the front the general mood turned out to be much more cheerful. As eyewitnesses of the events later recalled in their memoirs, it was reminiscent of mass hysteria.

Start

In 1917, the February Revolution began, in fact, with a mass panic raised in Petrograd over the lack of bread. At the same time, historians later found that such a mood was created largely artificially, and grain supplies were specifically blocked, as the conspirators were going to take advantage of popular unrest and get rid of the king. Against this background, Nicholas II leaves Petrograd, leaving the situation to the Minister of the Interior Protopopov, who did not see the whole picture. Then the situation developed incredibly rapidly, gradually getting more and more out of control.

First, Petrograd completely rebelled, followed by Kronstadt, then Moscow, the unrest spread to other large cities. Basically, the "lower classes" rebelled, which suppressed their mass character: ordinary soldiers, sailors, workers. Members of one group pulled the other into confrontation.

Meanwhile, Emperor Nicholas II could not make a final decision. He was slow to react to the situation, which required tougher measures, he wanted to listen to all the generals, and as a result, he renounced, but not in favor of his son, but in favor of his brother, who was categorically unable to cope with the situation in the country. As a result, on March 9, 1917, it became clear that the revolution had won, the Provisional Government was formed, and the State Duma as such ceased to exist.

What are the main results of the February Revolution?

The main result of the events that took place was the end of the autocracy, the end of the dynasty, the abdication of the emperor and members of his family from the rights to the throne. Also on March 9, 1917, the Provisional Government began to rule the country. According to some historians, the significance of the February Revolution should not be underestimated: it was it that subsequently led to the civil war.

The revolution also showed ordinary workers, soldiers and sailors that they can seize control of the situation and take power into their own hands by force. Thanks to this, the foundation of the October events, as well as the Red Terror, was laid.

Revolutionary moods were stirred up, the intelligentsia began to welcome the new system, and called the monarchical "old regime". New words began to come into fashion, for example, the appeal "comrade". Kerensky gained enormous popularity, creating his own paramilitary political image, which was subsequently copied by a number of leaders among the Bolsheviks.

WHITE-BLUE-RED
Vl. Abdank-Kossovsky.

The training units of the SS, made up of Russian youth from 15 to 20 years old, received wide armbands, similar to Todo, but white-blue-red colors with a white rhombus, in the middle of which is placed a blue St. Andrew's cross.

The newspaper "Volunteer" placed an interesting historical note about the St. Andrew's flag. From this reference, we see that the ROA sleeve insignia is nothing more than the image of the St. Andrew's flag, trimmed with a red border. At the same time, the combination of the color of this sign is the white field of the shield, the blue cross of St. Andrew the First-Called and the red border - reproduces the Russian national colors of white-blue-red. Such a desire of the leaders of the Russian Liberation Movement to keep inviolable the old Russian symbols and emblems is quite natural and legitimate - Russian history does not begin with Karl Marx and the Kaganoviches. Great peoples must also have a great memory...
A flag, as everyone knows, is a piece of fabric attached to a flagpole, one-color or sewn, of several colors, on which images, inscriptions, etc. are sometimes placed. The flag is raised as a symbolic image of joy, triumph, sadness (black mourning flag) and other manifestations of public or private life.

At the end of 1943, after the death of the leader "Kharkov" and the destroyers "Able" and "Merciless" in the Black Sea, Supreme Commander I.V. Stalin, by special order, prohibited any operations of large ships until the end of the war.
In the Baltic Sea, in fact, after the "Tallinn crossing" and the losses of 1941, Soviet battleships, cruisers and destroyers did not leave their bases until the very end of the war. However, KBF torpedo boats continued vigorous combat activity. In the last months of the war, Soviet boats were active in the area of Ventspils and Liepaja against shipments supplying the encircled Courland group of troops, as well as the transportation of refugees from the ports of Courland and East Prussia, evacuated to the ports of the western part of the Baltic Sea. At the same time, combat clashes with German light forces repeatedly took place.

February Revolution of 1917 in Russia was caused by the same reasons, had the same character, solved the same tasks and had the same balance of opposing forces as the revolution of 1905-1907. After the revolution of 1905-1907. the tasks of democratizing the country continued to remain - the overthrow of the autocracy, the introduction of democratic freedoms, the solution of burning issues - agrarian, labor, national. These were the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic transformation of the country, and therefore the February Revolution, like the revolution of 1905-1907, bore a bourgeois-democratic character.

Although revolution 1905 - 1907 gg. and did not solve the fundamental tasks of democratizing the country that it faced and was defeated, however, it served as a political school for all parties and classes and thus was an important prerequisite for the February Revolution and the October Revolution of 1917 that followed it.
But February Revolution of 1917 took place in a different environment than the revolution of 1905-1907. On the eve of the February Revolution, social and political contradictions sharply aggravated, aggravated by the hardships of a long and exhausting war in which Russia was drawn. The economic devastation generated by the war and, as a result of it, the aggravation of the need and misery of the masses, caused acute social tension in the country, the growth of anti-war sentiments and general dissatisfaction not only of the left and opposition, but also of a significant part of the right forces with the policy of the autocracy. The authority of autocratic power and its bearer, the reigning emperor, fell noticeably in the eyes of all sections of society. The war, unprecedented in its scale, seriously shook the moral foundations of society, introduced an unprecedented bitterness into the consciousness of people's behavior. The millions of front-line soldiers, who daily saw blood and death, easily succumbed to revolutionary propaganda and were ready to take the most extreme measures. They longed for peace, a return to the earth, and the slogan "Down with the war!" was especially popular at the time. The cessation of the war was inevitably associated with the liquidation of the political regime that had dragged the people into the war. So the monarchy lost its support in the army.
By the end of 1916. the country found itself in a state of deep social, political and moral crisis. Did the ruling circles realize the danger threatening them? Reports of the security department for the end of 1917 - the beginning of 1917. full of anxiety in anticipation of a threatening social explosion. They foresaw a social danger for the Russian monarchy and abroad. Grand Duke Mikhail Mikhailovich, the king's cousin, wrote to him in the middle November 1916. from London: " Intelligence Service Agents[British Intelligence Service], usually well-informed, they predict a revolution in Russia. I sincerely hope Nicky that you will find it possible to satisfy the just demands of the people before it is too late.". Those close to Nicholas II with despair told him: "There will be a revolution, we will all be hanged, but it doesn't matter on which lantern". However, he stubbornly did not want to see this danger, hoping for the mercy of Providence. A curious conversation took place shortly before the events of February 1917 between the tsar and the chairman of the State Duma, M.V. Rodzianko. "Rodzianko: - I warn you that in less than three weeks a revolution will break out that will sweep you away, and you will no longer reign. Nicholas II: - Well, God willing. Rodzianko: "God will give nothing, revolution is inevitable". Although the factors that prepared the revolutionary explosion in February 1917 had been taking shape for a long time, politicians and publicists, right and left, predicted its inevitability, the revolution was neither "prepared" nor "organized", it broke out spontaneously and suddenly for all parties and for the government. Not a single political party showed itself to be the organizer and leader of the revolution that took them by surprise.
The immediate cause for the revolutionary explosion was the following events that took place in the second half of February 1917 in Petrograd. In mid-February, the supply of food to the capital, especially bread, deteriorated. Bread was in the country and in sufficient quantity, but due to the devastation of transport and the sluggishness of the authorities responsible for the supply, it could not be delivered to the cities in a timely manner. A card system was introduced, but it did not solve the problem. There were long queues at the bakeries, which caused growing discontent among the population. In this situation, any act of the authorities or owners of industrial enterprises that irritates the population could serve as a detonator for a social explosion.
18th of Febuary workers of one of the largest factories in Petrograd, Putilov, went on strike, demanding a wage increase due to the increase in the high cost of wages. February 20th The administration of the plant, under the pretext of interruptions in the supply of raw materials, dismissed the strikers and announced the closure of some shops for an indefinite period. The Putilovites were supported by workers from other enterprises in the city. February 23(according to the new style on March 8 - International Women's Day), it was decided to start a general strike. On the afternoon of February 23, opposition Duma figures also decided to take advantage, who on February 14, from the rostrum of the State Duma, sharply criticized mediocre ministers and demanded their resignation. Duma leaders - Menshevik N.S. Chkheidze and Trudovik A.F. Kerensky- established contact with illegal organizations and created a committee to hold a demonstration on February 23. On that day they went on strike 128 thousand workers 50 enterprises- a third of the workers of the capital. There was also a demonstration, which was peaceful. A rally was held in the city center. The authorities, in order to calm the people, announced that there was enough food in the city and there were no grounds for concern. The next day it was on strike 214 thousand workers. The strikes were accompanied by demonstrations: columns of demonstrators with red flags and singing "La Marseillaise" rushed to the city center. Women who took to the streets with slogans took an active part in them. "Bread"!, "Peace"!, "Freedom!", "Return our husbands!". Authorities first viewed them as spontaneous food riots. However, the events grew every day and took on a threatening character for the authorities. 25 February strikes involved over 300,000 people. (80% of city workers). The demonstrators were already speaking with political slogans: "Down with the monarchy!", "Long live the republic!" rushing to the central squares and avenues of the city. They managed to overcome the police and military barriers and break through to Znamenskaya Square near the Moscow railway station, where a spontaneous rally began at the monument to Alexander III. Rallies and demonstrations took place on the main squares, avenues and streets of the city. Cossack squads sent against them refused to disperse them. Demonstrators threw stones and logs at the mounted policemen. The government has already seen "disorder" take on a political character.
On the morning of February 25 columns of workers again rushed to the center of the city, and on the Vyborg side they were already smashing police stations. The rally began again on Znamenskaya Square. Demonstrators clashed with police, killing and injuring several demonstrators. On the same day, Nicholas II received from the commander of the Petrograd Military District, General S.S. Khabalov a report on the unrest that had begun in Petrograd, and at 9 pm Khabalov received a telegram from him: "I order tomorrow to stop the unrest in the capital, unacceptable in the difficult time of the war with Germany and Austria". Khabalov immediately ordered the police and the commanders of the spare parts to use weapons against the demonstrators. On the night of February 26 the police arrested about a hundred of the most active figures of the leftist parties.
February 26 was Sunday. Factories and factories did not work. Masses of demonstrators with red banners and singing revolutionary songs again rushed to the central streets and squares of the city. On Znamenskaya Square and near the Kazan Cathedral, there were continuous rallies. By order of Khabalov, the police, who sat on the roofs of houses, opened fire from machine guns on demonstrators and protesters. On Znamenskaya Square, 40 people were killed and the same number were wounded. The police fired at the demonstrators on Sadovaya Street, Liteiny and Vladimirsky avenues. On the night of February 27, new arrests were made: this time, 170 people.
The outcome of any revolution depends on which side the army ends up on. The defeat of the revolution of 1905 - 1907 was largely due to the fact that despite a series of uprisings in the army and navy, in general, the army remained loyal to the government and was used by it to suppress peasant and worker riots. In February 1917, a garrison of up to 180,000 soldiers was stationed in Petrograd. Basically, these were spare parts that were to be sent to the front. There were quite a few recruits from cadre workers mobilized for participating in strikes, and quite a few veterans who had recovered from wounds. The concentration in the capital of a mass of soldiers who easily succumbed to the influence of revolutionary propaganda was a major mistake of the authorities. ( ) The execution of the demonstrators on February 26 aroused strong indignation among the soldiers of the capital's garrison and had a decisive influence on their going over to the side of the revolution. On the afternoon of February 26, the 4th company of the reserve battalion The Pavlovsky regiment refused to take the place indicated to it at the outpost and even opened fire on a platoon of mounted police. The company was disarmed, 19 "instigators" were sent to the Peter and Paul Fortress. Chairman of the State Duma M.V. Rodzianko telegraphed the tsar that day: "The situation is serious. There is anarchy in the capital. The government is paralyzed. There is indiscriminate shooting in the streets. Parts of the troops are shooting at each other.". In conclusion, he asked the king: "Immediately instruct a person who enjoys the confidence of the country to form a new government. It is impossible to delay. Any delay is like death."
Even on the eve of the tsar's departure for Headquarters, two versions of his decree on the State Duma were prepared - the first on its dissolution, the second on a break in its sessions. In response to Rodzianko's telegram, the tsar sent a second version of the decree - on the break of the Duma from February 26 to April 1917. At 11 am on February 27, the deputies of the State Duma gathered in the White Hall of the Tauride Palace and silently listened to the royal decree on the break of the Duma session. The tsar's decree placed the Duma members in a difficult position: on the one hand, they did not dare to disobey the tsar's will, and on the other hand, they could not but reckon with the menacing development of revolutionary events in the capital. Deputies from the left parties proposed not to obey the tsar's decree and to declare themselves the Constituent Assembly in the "appeal to the people", but the majority was against such an action. In the Semicircular Hall of the Tauride Palace, they opened a "private meeting", at which it was decided, in fulfillment of the tsar's order, not to hold official meetings of the Duma, but the deputies not to disperse and remain in their places. By half past three in the afternoon February 27 crowds of demonstrators approached the Tauride Palace, some of them entered the palace. Then the Duma decided to form from its composition "Provisional Committee of the State Duma for the establishment of order in Petrograd and for relations with institutions and persons" . On the same day, a committee composed of 12 people chaired by Rodzianko was formed. At first, the Provisional Committee was afraid to take power into its own hands and sought an agreement with the tsar. On the evening of February 27, Rodzianko sent a new telegram to the tsar, in which he suggested that he make concessions - to instruct the Duma to form a ministry responsible to it. But events unfolded rapidly. On that day, strikes swept almost all the enterprises of the capital, and in fact the uprising had already begun. The troops of the capital's garrison began to go over to the side of the rebels. On the morning of February 27 a training team rebelled, including 600 people from the reserve battalion of the Volynsky regiment. The team leader was killed. Non-commissioned officer who led the uprising T.I. Kirpichnikov raised the entire regiment, which moved to the Lithuanian and Preobrazhensky regiments and dragged them along.
If a on the morning of February 27 10 thousand soldiers went over to the side of the rebels, then in the evening of the same day - 67 thousand. On the same day, Khabalov telegraphed the tsar that "troops refuse to go out against the rioters". 28th of February were on the side of the rebels 127 thousand soldiers, and on March 1 - already 170 thousand soldiers. 28th of February the Winter Palace, the Peter and Paul Fortress were taken, the arsenal was captured, from which it was distributed to working detachments 40 thousand rifles and 30 thousand revolvers. On Liteiny Prospekt, the building of the District Court and the House of Preliminary Detention were destroyed and set on fire. The police stations were on fire. The gendarmerie and the Okhrana were liquidated. Many policemen and gendarmes were arrested (later the Provisional Government released them and sent them to the front). Prisoners were released from prisons. On March 1, after negotiations, the remnants of the garrison who had settled in the Admiralty, along with Khabalov, surrendered. The Mariinsky Palace was taken and the tsarist ministers and top dignitaries who were in it were arrested. They were brought or brought to the Tauride Palace. Minister of Internal Affairs A.D. Protopopov voluntarily appeared under arrest. The ministers and generals from the Tauride Palace were escorted to the Peter and Paul Fortress, the rest - to the places of detention prepared for them..
Military units from Peterhof and Strelna who had gone over to the side of the revolution arrived in Petrograd through the Baltic Station and along the Peterhof Highway. March 1 sailors of the Kronstadt port rebelled. The commander of the Kronstadt port and the military governor of the city of Kronstadt, Rear Admiral R.N. Viren and several senior officers were shot by sailors. Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich(cousin of Nicholas II) brought to the Tauride Palace at the disposal of the revolutionary authorities the sailors of the guards crew entrusted to him.
On the evening of February 28, in the conditions of the already victorious revolution, Rodzianko proposed to announce the taking over of government functions by the Provisional Committee of the State Duma. On the night of February 28, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma addressed the peoples of Russia with an appeal that he was taking the initiative "restoration of state and public order" and the creation of a new government. As a first step in the ministries, he sent commissars from among the members of the Duma. In order to seize the situation in the capital and stop the further development of revolutionary events, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma tried in vain to return the soldiers to the barracks. But this attempt showed that he was unable to take control of the situation in the capital. Revived in the course of the revolution became a more effective revolutionary power. tips. 2 more On February 6, a number of members of the Union of Workers' Cooperatives of Petrograd, the Social Democratic faction of the State Duma and other working groups put forward the idea of forming Soviets of Workers' Deputies on the model of 1905. This idea was also supported by the Bolsheviks. On February 27, representatives of the working groups, together with a group of Duma deputies and representatives of the left intelligentsia, gathered in the Taurida Palace and announced the creation of the Provisional Executive Committee of the Petrograd Council of Working People's Deputies. The committee issued an appeal to elect deputies to the Soviet without delay - one deputies from 1,000 workers, and one from a company of soldiers. 250 deputies were elected and gathered in the Tauride Palace. They, in turn, elected the Executive Committee of the Soviet, the chairman of which was the leader of the Social Democratic faction of the State Duma, the Menshevik N.S. Chkheidze, and his deputies Trudovik A.F. Kerensky and Menshevik M.I. Skobelev. The majority in the Executive Committee and in the Soviet itself belonged to the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries - at that time the most numerous and influential left parties in Russia. 28th of February came out and the first number " News of the Soviet of Workers' Deputies"(editor Menshevik F.I. Dan).
The Petrograd Soviet began to act as an organ of revolutionary power, taking a number of important decisions. 28th of February on his initiative, district committees of councils were created. He formed military and food commissions, armed militia, established control over printing houses and railways. By decision of the Petrograd Soviet, the financial resources of the tsarist government were withdrawn and control over their spending was established. Commissars from the Soviet were sent to the districts of the capital to establish people's power in them. ( )
March 1, 1917. Council issued the famous "Order No. 1", which provided for the creation of elected soldiers' committees in military units, abolished the titles of officers and saluting them out of service, but most importantly, removed the Petrograd garrison from subordination to the old command. This order in our literature is usually regarded as a deeply democratic act. In fact, By subordinating unit commanders to soldiers' committees that were little competent in military affairs, he violated the principle of unity of command necessary for any army and thereby contributed to the decline in military discipline.
Number of victims in Petrograd in the February days of 1917 amounted to about 300 people killed and up to 1200 wounded
With education February 27 The Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Committee of the State Duma actually began to take shape dual power. Before March 1, 1917. The Council and the Duma Committee acted independently of each other. AT night from 1 to 2 March Negotiations began between representatives of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Committee of the State Duma on the formation of the Provisional Government. Representatives of the Soviets set the condition for the Provisional Government to immediately proclaim civil liberties, an amnesty for political prisoners, and announce the convocation of a Constituent Assembly. When the Provisional Government fulfilled this condition, the Council decided to support it. The formation of the composition of the Provisional Government was entrusted to the Provisional Committee of the State Duma.
2nd of March it was formed and March, 3rd its composition has also been made public. The Provisional Government included 1 2 people - 10 ministers and 2 equated to ministers chief executives of the central departments mi. 9 ministers were deputies of the State Duma.
A large landowner, chairman of the All-Russian Zemstvo Union, cadet, prince became the chairman of the Provisional Government and at the same time the minister of the interior G.E. Lviv, Ministers: Foreign Affairs - Leader of the Kadet Party P.N. Milyukov, (German spy and English about what is known as a fact) military and naval - leader of the Octobrist party A.I. Guchkov, (the only freemasonry of which is in question) of trade and industry - a large manufacturer, progressive, A.I. Konovalov, ways of communication - "left" cadet N.V. Nekrasov, public education - close to the Cadets, professor of law A.A. Manuilov, agriculture - zemstvo doctor, cadet, A.I. Shingarev, Justice - Trudovik (since March 3 Socialist-Revolutionary, the only socialist in the government) A.F. Kerensky, for Finnish affairs - cadet IN AND. Rodiichev, Chief Procurator of the Holy Synod - Octobrist V.N. Lviv, State Comptroller - Octobrist I.V. Godnev. In this way, 7 ministerial posts, and the most important ones, ended up in the hands of the Cadets, 3 ministerial posts were received by the Octobrists and 2 representatives of other parties. This was "star hour" Cadets, who for a short time (two months) were in power. The entry into office of ministers of the Provisional Government took place during March 3-5. The provisional government declared itself for a transitional period (until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly) the supreme legislative and executive power in the country.
March, 3rd the program of the activities of the Provisional Government, agreed with the Petrograd Soviet, was also made public: 1) a complete and immediate amnesty for all political and religious matters; 2) freedom of speech, press, assembly and strikes; 3) the abolition of all class, religious and national restrictions; 4) immediate preparation for elections on the basis of universal, equal, secret and direct voting to the Constituent Assembly; 5) replacement of the police by the people's militia with elected authorities subordinate to local self-government bodies; 6) elections to local self-government bodies; 7) non-disarmament and non-withdrawal from Petrograd of military units that took part in the February 27 uprising; and 8) giving soldiers civil rights. The program laid the broad foundations of constitutionalism and democracy in the country. However, most of the measures announced in the declaration of the Provisional Government on March 3 were carried out even earlier, as soon as the revolution had won. Yes, still 28th of February the police was abolished and the people's militia formed: instead of 6,000 policemen, 40,000 people were employed in the protection of order in Petrograd. people's militia. She took under the protection of enterprises and city blocks. Detachments in the native militia were soon created in other cities. Subsequently, along with the workers' militia, fighting workers' squads (the Red Guard) also appeared. The first detachment of the Red Guard was created in early March at the Sestroretsk plant. The gendarmerie and the Okhrana were liquidated.
Hundreds of prisons were destroyed or burned down. The press organs of the Black Hundred organizations were closed. Trade unions were revived, cultural and educational, women's, youth and other organizations were created. Complete freedom of the press, rallies and demonstrations was won by secret order. Russia has become the freest country in the world.
The initiative to reduce the working day to 8 hours came from the Petrograd entrepreneurs themselves. On March 10, an agreement was concluded between the Petrograd Soviet and the Petrograd Society of Manufacturers about this. Then, through similar private agreements between workers and employers, the 8-hour working day was introduced throughout the country. However, a special decree of the Provisional Government on this was not issued. The agrarian question was referred to the decision of the Constituent Assembly out of fear that the soldiers, having learned about "division of land", will give up the front and move into the village. The provisional government declared unauthorized seizures of landlord peasants illegal.
striving "get closer to the people", on the spot to study the specific situation in the country and enlist the support of the population, the ministers of the Provisional Government made frequent trips to cities, army and navy units. At first, they met such support at rallies, meetings, meetings of various kinds, and professional congresses. The ministers often and willingly gave interviews to representatives of the press and held press conferences. The press, in turn, sought to create a favorable public opinion about the Provisional Government. Recognized first and the Provisional Government "expressor of the true will of the people and the only government of Russia" France and England. In early March, the Provisional Government was recognized by the United States, Italy, Norway, Japan, Belgium, Portugal, Serbia and Iran.....