The alignment of social forces in 1860. The main directions of social thought

The accession of Alexander II to the throne took place under very difficult circumstances: the first years of the reign of the new sovereign were devoted to the elimination of the Eastern War and the difficult orders of the Nicholas era. Society, dissatisfied with the despotic and bureaucratic rule of Nicholas I, was looking for reasons for the failure of his foreign policy. Peasant uprisings became more frequent. The radicals stepped up their activities.

With regard to foreign policy, the new autocrat showed himself to be a follower of the "principles of the Holy Alliance", which led the policy of the emperors Alexander I and Nicholas I. Thus, Europe had the right to consider Alexander the direct successor to his father's policy and an adherent of the obsolete principles of the Congress of Vienna.

Since the accession of Alexander Nikolayevich to the throne took place during the Crimean War, where Russia had to deal with the combined forces of almost all the main European states, and the war took on an unfavorable turn for the country. The new emperor, despite his peacefulness, showed a strong determination to continue the fight and achieve an honorable peace.

The Paris peace treaty, signed on March 18, 1856, although it was unfavorable for Russia, was nevertheless honorable for her in view of such numerous and strong opponents as France, Austria, England, Prussia, Sardinia and Turkey. However, its disadvantageous side - the limitation of the naval forces of Russia on the Black Sea - was eliminated during the life of Alexander II by a statement on October 19, 1870.

The shock that Russia experienced from the defeat in the Crimean War forced the government to embark on socio-political transformations. The Crimean War exposed all the internal ulcers of our fatherland. Discontent rose in society from the growing understanding of the backwardness of the Russian state to the more advanced Western European countries. Not only the progressively thinking part of the nobility and the intelligentsia formed from raznochintsy, but also representatives of your administration, even Emperors Alexander II, and at one time Nicholas I and Catherine II felt the need for change.

Another reason that caused a social movement was popular unrest. The dissatisfaction of the working people was evidenced by the actions of various sections of the population: privately owned peasants, the urban poor, working people, and military settlers. Popular uprisings in the first half of the 19th century stimulated the formation of an anti-serfdom ideology, forced the government to intensify repressions, gradually mitigate the most odious aspects of serfdom and create an ideological justification for the socio-political system existing in Russia.

In the social movement in the second half of the 19th century, a delimitation of three ideological directions began: radical, liberal and conservative.

Conservatism in Russia was based on theories proving the invincibility of autocracy and serfdom. At the beginning of the 19th century, Karamzin wrote about the need to preserve the wise autocracy, which, in his opinion, "founded and resurrected Russia." The performance of the Decembrists activated conservative social thought.

The theory of official nationality, created by the conservative, Minister of Public Education, Count S.S. Uvarov, and consisting of three principles: autocracy, Orthodoxy, nationality, caused sharp criticism of the liberal-minded part of society. The speech of P.Ya.Chadaev, who wrote "Philosophical Letters" with criticism of autocracy, serfdom and all official ideology, received the greatest fame.

Letter from P.Ya. Chaadaev served as an impetus for the formation in the early 1840s of two internally heterogeneous ideological currents - Westerners and Slavophiles. Both those and others believed that the fate of Russia was not as deplorable as Chaadaev predicted, but considered it necessary to abolish serfdom and limit the power of the monarch. These currents were characterized by different approaches to assessing the past and forecasting the future of Russia.

The controversy between Westerners and Slavophiles in many respects contributed to the formation of liberal and revolutionary-democratic trends. One of the leaders of the first was T.N. Granovsky, who advocated reforms in social and political life. The revolutionary-democratic movement was represented by V.G. Belinsky, A.I. Herzen, N.P. Ogarev, as well as the Petrashevites - members of the circle of M.V. Butashevich-Petrashevsky. Petrashevsky, Herzen and Belinsky introduced the Russian public to the ideas of the utopian socialists. The defeat of the revolution in Europe (1848-1849) led Herzen to the idea of ​​a special path for Russia to socialism, since the collective principle in the form of a peasant community was firmly rooted in the Russian people.

The last high-profile clash between the Nikolaev regime and the opposition was the case of the Petrashevites in 1849. Members of the circle that gathered around the official of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs M.V. Butashevich-Petrashevsky, were followers of C. Fourier, that is, supporters of the reorganization of society on the basis of the organization of phalanster communes. The participants of Petrashevsky's "Fridays" discussed the most important issues of Russian life (Slavic, problems of the judiciary, censorship), talked about the need to abolish serfdom, introduce freedom of printing, introduce openness and competitiveness in court, and discuss literary novelties. Among the Petrashevites were officials, military men, writers (including M.E. Saltykov, F.M. Dostoevsky).

Question

Alexander II is one of the most prominent Russian monarchs. Alexander Nikolaevich was nicknamed among the people Alexander the Liberator.

Emperor Alexander II was in many ways the opposite of his father. The father was distinguished by a stern and inflexible character; the son was gentle and accessible to influences. The father did not receive a good education in his time, while the son was carefully brought up and prepared for the upcoming high work of ruling the state. Alexander ascended the throne at the age of 36 (born in 1818), a mature man, quite experienced in business. Russian people expected a lot of good things from him - and they were not mistaken.

The upbringing of Emperor Alexander II was excellently staged. From an early age, his tutor was a humane and intelligent man, Captain Merder. About nine years old, Alexander began to study under the main guidance of his "mentor" - the famous poet V. A. Zhukovsky. Zhukovsky previously drew up a deeply thought-out "plan of teaching" for the crown prince, approved by Emperor Nicholas. According to this plan, the goal of the whole exercise was to make the future sovereign an enlightened and comprehensively educated person, preserving him from premature fascination with the little things of military affairs. Zhukovsky managed to carry out his plan. The Tsarevich studied a lot and had good teachers; by the way, the famous Speransky had "conversations about laws" with him. Homework was complemented by educational trips. Of these, the most memorable was a long journey through Russia and Western Siberia (in 1837). At the age of twenty-three, the Tsarevich married Maria Alexandrovna, Princess of Hesse-Darmstadt, whom he met during a long trip abroad.

Since that time, Alexander Nikolayevich's official activity began. Emperor Nicholas systematically introduced his son to various branches of government and even entrusted him with the overall management of affairs during his departures from the capital. For ten years, the heir to the throne was the closest assistant to his father and a witness to all his government work. Emperor Nicholas tenderly treated his son; he told him just before his death: “I wanted, having taken upon myself everything difficult, everything heavy, to leave you a kingdom of peace, order and happiness ... Providence judged otherwise.”

Providence judged otherwise. Emperor Alexander II came into power at a very difficult time. The difficult and unsuccessful war shocked the state and required great efforts and great skill in order to preserve the honor of the empire and lead the matter to a good peace. All the attention of the new sovereign was directed in this direction.

5. Reasons for the abolition of fortress: was due to political, economic, social and moral prerequisites. 1. The preservation of serfdom was due to the peculiarities (nature) of the Russian autocracy, which, since the formation of the Russian state and the strengthening of absolutism, relied exclusively on the nobility, and therefore had to take into account its interests2. The landlord economy, based on the labor of serfs, was increasingly falling into decay. 3. Objectively, serfdom also interfered with the industrial modernization of the country, as it prevented the formation of a free labor market, the accumulation of capital invested in production, an increase in the purchasing power of the population and the development of trade.4. the protest of the peasants themselves and their frequent uprisings (ogaryov) 5. The defeat in the Crimean War demonstrated the backwardness of the country's socio-political system, and military tech-kui 6. The demand for the abolition of serfdom was put forward not only by radical, but also by opposition circles (Slavophiles and Westerners), - Speransky at Nick.1, and after the Crimean. The wars were advocated by the conservatives themselves Pogodin, cat. decisive criticism of the autocratic-feudal system and demanded its reform. (fedorov)

On February 18, 1855 Nicholas I died. On the throne of Alexander II (1855-1881), the task was to carry out urgent social, economic and political reforms, primarily peasant reforms. The need to abolish serfdom by Alexander II officially announced in his speech to representatives of the Moscow nobility on March 30, 1856 - he said that it was better to abolish serfdom from above than it would come from below.

And preparations for the reform began. On January 3, 1857, a Secret Committee was formed "to discuss measures to arrange the life of the landlord peasants." Composed of ardent feudal lords, but they slowed down the work. Finally Alek. 2 instructed the Governor-General V.I. Nazimov to appeal to the emperor on behalf of the Livonian nobility with a request to create commissions to develop a draft reform. In response to an appeal on November 20, 1857, a decree (rescript to V.I. Nazimov) on the creation of provincial committees "to improve the life of landlord peasants" was completed. From that moment on, the preparation of the peasant reform was no longer a secret, and in February 1858 the Secret Committee was renamed the "Main Committee on Landlord Peasants Retiring from Serfdom." In February 1859, editorial commissions were established under the Main Committee (chairman - Ya.I. Rostovtsev). They were supposed to collect and summarize all the projects developed by the provincial committees.

The preparation of the reform itself took place during the social and political upsurge in the country - Herzen in London, and Chernyshevsky in St. Petersburg. - they expressed their ideas in Herzen's magazines in Kolokol, since 1857 - he advocated the liberation of the peasants with land, Chernyshevsky "contemporary". Rights, freedom of the press, the attitude of the landlords to the upcoming reform was different, some were against, others were for the abolition, but the landlords of the black-earth provinces put forward their own projects and offered to immediately give land into ownership for a ransom.

At the end of August 1859, the draft "Regulations on the Peasants" was basically prepared by the Editorial Commissions. Then he underwent corrections, and only in 1860. the project was sent to the Main Committee where it was discussed until January 14, 1861, then entered the State. Council, but it was included by members of the state. Correction Council on the right of the landowner to give the peasants a quarter of the highest norm of allotment free of charge. On February 19, it was signed by Alexander II. The abolition of serfdom was announced by the Manifesto and the “Regulations on peasants emerging from serfdom” (they included 17 legislative acts), they were about: the personal liberation of the peasants, allocating them with land and a redemption deal.

The central question of the reform, on which there was a struggle within the landlord class, was the question of whether to free the peasants with or without land. On this issue there were disputes between groups of serf-owners and liberals. The feudal-bureaucratic nobility belonged to the feudal lords, as well as the landlords, whose economy was mainly based on worked-out rent. The liberals expressed the interests of the commercial and industrial bourgeoisie and the bourgeoisie landowners. The struggle between them was not fundamental: both the feudal lords and the liberals stood for the abolition of serfdom while maintaining landownership and autocracy, but the liberals at the same time wanted to somewhat limit tsarist absolutism and were against the liberation of the peasants without land. Of course, it was impossible to leave the peasants completely without land. But the landlords of the black earth provinces, where the land was highly valued, sought to free the peasants with a minimum allotment and for a ransom. Such a "liberation" kept almost all the land in the hands of the landlords and provided their farms with working hands. The landlords of the non-chernozem provinces, where the land was not of such value, considered it possible to free the peasant with the land, but for a high monetary ransom; in this case, the landowners received capital for running a capitalist economy on the land they had left.

There was also a class struggle around the reform. No one represented the interests of the masses in the tsarist committees and commissions. The main struggle around the reform was fought not between noble groups, but between the landlords and the autocracy, on the one hand, and the peasantry, on the other. The interests of the peasants were expressed by the revolutionary democrats. Despite strict censorship, in their speeches they called for the complete elimination of serfdom and landownership, for the transfer of all land to the peasants without any redemption. The struggle of the revolutionary democrats, the unceasing peasant unrest forced the tsarist government to abandon the most reactionary options for reform and make some concessions to the peasantry. A compromise decision was made, reconciling all the landowners, to release the peasants with a minimum allotment of land for ransom. Such liberation provided the landlords with both labor and capital.

3rd ed. - M.:2016. Part 1 - 367 pages; Part 2 - 368s. 14th ed. - M.:2012. Part 1 - 365 pages; Part 2 - 383s.

The textbook was created in accordance with the requirements of the Federal State Educational Standard of Secondary (Complete) General Education, and has a new design externally and internally. For the first time, the textbook establishes integrated links between the subjects "Literature" and "Russian language" of the educational field "Philology". Tasks and questions of the heading “Language of Literature” are oriented to the content of the textbook by A. I. Vlasenkov, L. M. Rybchenkova “Russian language. Grammar. Text. Speech styles. 10-11 grades.

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PART 1
From author 3
Review of learned 6
Formation and development of realism in Russian literature of the XIX century 7
The peculiarity of the formation of realism in Russian literature -
National originality of Russian realism 9
The evolution of Russian realism 12
Russian literary criticism of the second half of the 19th century 16
Alignment of social forces in the 1860s 17
"Aesthetic Criticism" of Liberal Westernizers 23
"Real criticism" of revolutionary democrats 28
Public and Literary Critical Program of the Nihilists 30
Literary Critical Program of the Slavophiles 31
Literary-critical position of the Pochvenniks 35
Ivan Sergeevich Turgenev 41
Transient and eternal in the artistic world of Turgenev -
Turgenev's public views 47
Childhood 50
Youth 52
Youth 53
"Hunter's Notes" 55
The stories "Mumu" and "Inn" 59
Roman "Rudin" 60
Tales of the tragic meaning of love and nature 63
Novel "The Nest of Nobles" 65
The novel "The Day Before". Break with Sovremennik 71
Novel "Fathers and Sons" 77
The creative history of the novel "Fathers and Sons" -
The tragic nature of the conflict in the novel 82
Disputes between Bazarov and Pavel Petrovich 85
Internal conflict in the soul of Bazarov. love test 90
Worldview crisis of Bazarov 93
The second round of life tests. Illness and death of Bazarov 95
"Fathers and Sons" in Russian Criticism 98
Literary workshop "Fathers and Sons" 101
Ideological off-road. "Smoke" 104
Public upsurge in the 1870s. Roman Nov 107
The Last Years of Turgenev's Life 109
Nikolai Gavrilovich Chernyshevsky 113
Civil penalty -
Childhood -
Saratov Theological Seminary 115
Petersburg University 116
Saratov gymnasium 118
Approaches to a new aesthetic 120
The novel "What to do?" 123
The creative history of the novel "What to do?" -
Genre originality of the novel 124
The meaning of "What to do?" in the history of literature and the revolutionary movement 125
Dialogues with the "astute reader" -
The composition of the novel
Old people 126
New people 127
"Special Person" 129
The fourth dream of Vera Pavlovna 130
Hard labor and exile. Novel "Prologue" 132
Ivan Aleksandrovich Goncharov 135
About the originality of the artistic talent of I. A. Goncharov -
Novel "An Ordinary Story" 138
Series of essays "Frigate" Pallada "" 142
Roman "Oblomov" 144
N.A. Dobrolyubov about the novel 145
A.V. Druzhinin about the novel 146
Completeness and complexity of Oblomov's character 147
Andrey Stolz as the antipode of Oblomov 150
Oblomov and Olga Ilinskaya 151
Historical and philosophical meaning of the novel 154
Literary practice. Oblomov 155
The creative history of the novel "The Precipice" 158
Paradise 161
Grandma 164
Marfenka 165
Faith -
Faith's Enlightener - Nihilist Mark Volokhov 166
Fall of Faith 168
Getting out of the "cliff" 169
"Cliff" in the assessment of Russian criticism 171
Alexander Nikolayevich Ostrovsky 174
The artistic world of the playwright -
Childhood and youth 178
The beginning of a creative journey 180
Thunderstorm as a Russian tragedy 183
Creative history of "Thunderstorm" -
"The state of the world" and the arrangement of characters in "Thunderstorm" 185
On the folk origins of Katerina's character 190
N.A. Dobrolyubov and A.A. Grigoriev about "Thunderstorm" 192
Katerina as a tragic character 195
Literary practice. Thunderstorm 198
Historical dramaturgy Ostrovsky 200
Dramaturgy of Ostrovsky in the late 1860s-1870s 203
In the world of fairy tales 207
Drama "Dowry" (1878) 208
Plays of Life 222
Fedor Ivanovich Tyutchev 226
Tyutchev's small homeland -
Tyutchev and the generation of "lubomudry" 229
The world of nature in Tyutchev's poetry 231
Tyutchev's poetry in the context of Russian literary development 233
Chaos and space in Tyutchev's lyrics -
Love in Tyutchev's lyrics 235
Tyutchev on the causes of the spiritual crisis of modern man 237
Poetic discovery of Russian space 238
Literary practice. Love lyrics by F. I. Tyutchev 244
Nikolai Alekseevich Nekrasov 245
On the folk origins of Nekrasov's attitude -
Childhood and adolescence of Nekrasov 247
"Petersburg ordeals". Meeting with VG Belinsky.

Nekrasov - journalist and publisher 256
Poetry collection of Nekrasov in 1856 259
Nekrasov on the fate of Russian poetry -
The people in the lyrics of Nekrasov. Poetic "polyphony" 261
The originality of Nekrasov's satirical verses 265
The search for the hero of modern times in the poem "Sasha" 267
The originality of Nekrasov's love lyrics 268
Nekrasov's poetry on the eve of the reform of 1861 270
The first post-reform year. Poem "Peddlers" 272
The period of "difficult times". Poem "Frost, Red Nose" 275
Lyrics by Nekrasov in the 1860s 281
Lyrics by Nekrasov in the 1870s 285
Historical-heroic poems 287
Epic poem "To whom in Rus' it is good to live" 293
Creative story "Who lives well in Rus'."
Genre and composition of the epic poem -
Wanderers' Initial Ideas of Happiness 296
Fracture in search direction 300
Yakim Nagoi 301
Ermil Girin 302
Wanderers and landowner 303
Matryona Timofeevna 304
Saveliy, Holy Russian bogatyr 306
People's World in Motion 308
The Creative History of "A Feast for the Whole World" 310
Grisha Dobrosklonov 311
Literary practice. Epic poem "Who in Rus' should live well" 314
"Last Songs" 316
Afanasy Afanasyevich Fet 320
Fet's Poems on the Purpose of Poetry 323
Fet's place in Russian poetry of the second half of the 19th century 325
Characteristic features of the lyrics of Fet 328
Metaphorical lyrics of Fet 330
Love lyrics Fet 331
Nature in Fet's poetry 333
Epithet in the lyrics of Fet 336
Literary practice. Lyrics by A. A. Fet 338
Alexey Konstantinovich Tolstoy 339
The life path of A.K. Tolstoy -
Lyrics by A. K. Tolstoy 343
Ballads and epics by A.K. Tolstoy 350
Trilogy by A. K. Tolstoy "Death of Ivan the Terrible", "Tsar Fyodor Ioannovich" and "Tsar Boris" 354
Satirical works of A.K. Tolstoy 356
"Fearless Teller of the Truth" 358
Literary practice. Love lyrics by A. K. Tolstoy 360

PART 2
Mikhail Evgrafovich Saltykov-Shchedrin 3
Master of satire -
Childhood, adolescence, youth Saltykov-Shchedrin 5
"Vyatka captivity" 8
"History of one city" 10
The problematics and poetics of the satire "The history of one city" -
Literary practice. "History of one city" 21
"Public" novel "Lord Golovlev" 22
"Tales" 29
Pages of the history of the Western European novel of the 19th century 43
Frederik Stendhal -
"Red and Black" 44
"Parma Convent" 45
Honore de Balzac 47
"The Human Comedy" 49
The novel "Eugenia Grande" -
Roman "Father Goriot" 52
Charles Dickens 58
Dickens Christmas stories 60
Dombey and Son Novel 61
Fyodor Mikhailovich Dostoyevsky 66
Childhood 67
Adolescence at the Military Engineering School 69
The beginning of literary activity. "Poor people" 71
Circle Petrashevsky 76
Siberia and hard labor 78
"Soil" Dostoevsky 80
The ideological novel "Crime and Punishment" 85
Raskolnikov's theory 88
The world of Petersburg corners and its connection with Raskolnikov's theory 89
Idea and nature of Raskolnikov 90
"Punishment" Raskolnikov 94
Raskolnikov and Sonechka 96
Literary practice. "Crime and Punishment" 100
The novel "Crime and Punishment" in Russian criticism of the late 1860s 102
Genre originality of Dostoevsky's novels 105
A novel about a “positively beautiful” person 108
Controversy with nihilism. "Demons" 114
Novel "Teenager" 115
The novel "The Brothers Karamazov" 116
Lev Nikolaevich Tolstoy 128
family nest -
Childhood 131
Adolescence and youth 134
Youth in the Caucasus 138
Dialectics of three epochs of human development in Tolstoy's trilogy 140
Tolstoy - a participant in the Crimean War 146
"Sevastopol stories" 150
Chernyshevsky on Tolstoy's "dialectics of the soul" 153
From the “dialectic of the soul” to the “dialectic of character” 155
Creativity of Tolstoy in the early 1860s 157
Public and pedagogical activity of Tolstoy 161
Epic novel "War and Peace" 163
The creative history of "War and Peace" -
"War and Peace" as an epic novel 165
Composition "War and Peace" 171
"People" and "crowd", Napoleon and Kutuzov 174
Life quests of Andrey Bolkonsky and Pierre Bezukhov 180
Natasha Rostova 194
Epilogue of "War and Peace" 199
Literary practice. "War and Peace" 202
Anna Karenina 207
Religious and ethical views of Tolstoy 215
"Resurrection" 222
Departure and death of Leo Tolstoy 227
Nikolai Semyonovich Leskov 231
The artistic world of the writer -
Childhood 237
Youth 240
Entry into Literature 241
Writer's drama Leskov 242
"Lady Macbeth of the Mtsensk District" 243
"Cathedrals" 245
"The Enchanted Wanderer" 252
Literary workshop 262
Pages of foreign literature of the late XIX - early XX century 264
Henrik Ibsen -
"A Doll's House" ("Nora") 266
Guy de Maupassant 270
"Necklace" 273
Bernard Shaw 277
"Pygmalion" 278
Anton Pavlovich Chekhov 282
Features of Chekhov's artistic worldview -
Labor of self-education 286
Early creative period 295
Creativity of the second half of the 1880s 298
The story "The Steppe" as a result of Chekhov's work in the 1880s 304
Chekhov's Journey to Sakhalin Island 306
People who claim to know the real truth -
The tragedy of Dr. Ragin 316
Village theme. The stories "Men" and "In the ravine" 318
"Student" 322
"Little Trilogy" 325
From Startsev to Ionych 332
Chekhov's story "The Lady with the Dog" 334
Literary practice.
Prose of A.P. Chekhov 339
General characteristics of the "new drama" 340
Historical origins of the "new drama" 342
Peculiarities of the "new drama" poetics 344
On the genre originality of Chekhov's comedy "The Cherry Orchard" 348
The peculiarity of the conflict and its resolution in the "Cherry Orchard" 350
Literary practice. Cherry Orchard 354
On the World Significance of Russian Literature 357

Ideological currents, political parties and social movement in the 1860s–1890s

(Conservatives, liberals. The evolution of populism. The beginning of the labor movement. Russian Social Democracy.)

The reform of 1861 did not solve the agrarian question and did not improve the position of the peasant masses, did not justify their expectations. The extortionate plot of land by the landowners from the peasants' plowing exacerbated the severe need of the peasants for land, forced them to rent the landlords' land at exorbitant prices. Rent prices rose, land became more expensive. The government laid the costs of the war of 1877–1878 on the peasantry. Peasant movements in the late 1970s gained a wide scope.

The position of the working class was also difficult. In the post-reform period, there has been a rapid increase in the number of industrial workers. Low wages, arbitrary fines, an unlimited day (13-14 hours), the absence of factory legislation forced the workers to strike, to go on strike.

The desire of society to limit autocracy and the introduction of a constitution led to the rise of a social movement in Russia

Reasons for the rise of the social movement:

• Limited and incomplete reforms of 1860-1870s.
• Preservation of autocracy and police management methods.
• unresolved agrarian question.
• The acuteness of social contradictions.
• Lack of democratic freedoms (freedom of speech, assembly, press, guarantees of individual freedom.
• The fluctuation of the government course - from liberalism to conservatism.

conservative direction.

Representatives - K.P. Pobedonostsev, M.N. Katkov, Moskovskie Vedomosti newspaper, D. A. Tolstoy, Minister of Public Education.

Key Ideas - Preservation of autocracy, united and indivisible Russia, the dominance of Orthodoxy, encouragement of Russification of "foreigners", the need to adjust the reforms of the 60-70s. 19th century interests of the nobility

In the second half of the XIX century. Russian liberalism is largely undergoing renewal, the composition of participants is replenished due to the increased layer of the intelligentsia, which introduces into the liberal movement the denial of autocracy, the demands of socio-economic transformations in the interests of broad sections of the people, organization.

liberal direction

Representatives – I.I. Petrunkevich, A.S. Murovtsev, D.N. Shipov, B.N. Chicherin, Vestnik Evropy magazine

Key Ideas – Expansion of the rights of zemstvos and the creation of central representative institutions, the introduction of civil liberties

revolutionary direction

Populism - ideology and movement of the raznochintsy intelligentsia in Russia in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries. Populist ideology, which was a kind of utopian socialism, dominated the Russian revolutionary movement in the 1860s and early 1880s.. The populist ideology was a kind of combination of socialist ideas with Slavophil ideas about the original path of Russia's development.

The founders of populism were A.I. Herzen and N.G. Chernyshevsky. They formulated the main proposition of the populist doctrine of the possibility for Russia of a direct transition - bypassing capitalism - to the socialist system through the commune. The periodic equalizing redistribution of land between “courtyards”, the joint ownership and use of meadows, pastures, forests, and the secular gathering as an organ of self-government, inherent in this patriarchal institution of peasant life, were considered by the populists as the embryos of socialist relations.

The ideology of populism reflected the interests and sentiments of the peasantry, which fought against the remnants of feudalism. In essence, the Narodniks fought for a bourgeois-democratic revolution, although they dreamed of going over to socialism bypassing capitalism. The gratuitous transfer of all the landlords' land to the peasants would not only not destroy capitalism, but, on the contrary, would provide a broader basis for its development.

Causes of occurrence:

• The injustice of the peasant reform of 1861
• The feeling of guilt of the Russian intelligentsia before the Russian people.
• Relaxation of censorship (1865)

Conventionally, the populist movement can be divided for three periods:

I period - the 60s of the XIX century.

— Propaganda of the ideas of overthrowing the autocracy (The Sovremennik magazine by N.G. Chernyshevsky, St. Petersburg, from the late 1850s. The first Russian uncensored newspaper Kolokol in London from 1857 to 1865)

- In the end 1861 arose first underground revolutionary organization "Land and freedom". (The title was taken from Ogarev’s article “What do the people need?” Organizers: N.A. and A.A. Serno-Solovyevichi, N.N. Obruchev, A.A. Sleptsov and others. Active participation in the creation of “Land and Freedom” "Accepted by Herzen and Ogarev. N. G. Chernyshevsky became the ideological inspirer and leader of the movement. Focusing on the rise of the peasant movement caused by the abolition of serfdom, the landowners hoped to raise the peasants to the revolution. They launched an active publishing activity, created branches of their organization in other cities. The Zemlya Volya announced their support for the uprising in Poland (1863-1864).After the arrest of Serno-Solovyevich, the secret society was headed by inexperienced students.They counted on the fact that a peasant uprising would take place in 1863. When these hopes collapsed, "Earth and freedom" dissolved itself (1864)

— At the turn of the 60s - 70s. XIX in. revolutionary populist circles:

• Ishutins (1863 - 1866) Organizers N.A. Ishutin, I.A. Khudyakov. Their goal was to prepare an armed uprising. The introduction of public property and collective labor. Attempts to organize communes and workshops ended in failure. The organization had a secret center to control its members during the preparation and implementation of the revolution called "Hell". Some members of the organization adhered to terrorist tactics. On April 4, 1866, an unsuccessful attempt was made by a member of the organization D.V. Karakozov on Alexander II . After that, the organization was destroyed. Ishutin was sentenced by the Supreme Criminal Court to death, which was replaced by life imprisonment. He died in hard labor in 1879.
• Nechayevtsy (1869 - 1871) K ruzhok S.G. Nechaev "People's massacre". Carrying out a political revolution. A centralized and disciplined organization was formed. A demonstrative murder of I. Ivanov, a member of the organization suspected of treason, was carried out in order to strengthen discipline. The trial of members of the organization has turned from a political one into a criminal one.
• Chaikovtsy (1871 - 1874). The society did not have a charter and was more engaged in enlightenment and self-education. Initially, they distributed legally published books and created self-educating societies. Later - the transition to the distribution of illegal literature. Initiation of "going to the people"

— Development of the theory of revolutionary struggle

The main ideas of revolutionary populism:

• Capitalism in Russia is an alien phenomenon, implanted "from above" and has no social roots on Russian soil.
• Russia has a special path of historical development.
• The future of Russia is socialism, bypassing capitalism.
• The cell of socialism in the country is the peasant community.

II period - 70s. XIX in.

This was the time of the rise of the revolutionary movement in Western Europe. In 1864 K. Marx and F. Engels created the First International "International Association of Workers". The attention of revolutionaries of all countries was riveted to his activities. In 1870, a group of Russian emigrants created the Russian Section of the First International. Its representative in the General Council of the International was K. Marx. The heroic struggle of the French proletariat in the days of the Paris Commune of 1871 made a great impression on the progressive youth of Russia. The rise of the peasant movement and the revolutionary events in Western Europe contributed to the revival of the revolutionary democratic movement, which has now received the term "populism".

The ideologists of populism in the 1970s were

M.A. Bakunin (1814 - 1876) in the 40s of the XIX century. emigrated abroad and became an active figure in the Western European revolutionary movement. The ideologist of anarchism, the principles of which he outlined in the book Statehood and Anarchy (1873). The main task of the revolution, in his opinion, should be the destruction of the state and its replacement by a federation of self-governing rural communities and industrial associations. He saw the main force of the revolution in the peasantry and the lumpen-proletariat - the "robber element". Bakunin argued that the Russian peasant was already ready for revolution. The revolutionaries must immediately go to the people and raise them to revolts that will result in an all-Russian revolution.

P.L. Lavrov (1823 - 1900) . In the 60s he was arrested for participation in the revolutionary movement. In 1870 he fled abroad. His main work is “Historical Letters”. intelligentsia. The intelligentsia is indebted to the people and must pay this debt to them. It must launch broad propaganda among the people, help the people in their struggle for liberation. In order to successfully fight for the liberation of the people, the intelligentsia must create a revolutionary organization.

P.N. Tkachev (1844 - 1886). In 1873, after being released from prison, he emigrated abroad. A follower of the French utopian communist Auguste Blanqui. Tkachev believed that a coup in Russia should be carried out by a small group of conspirators. Through a coup d'état, this conservative state will be transformed into a revolutionary one, in which socialist transformations will be carried out. Tkachev believed that autocracy had no class support and would be easy to deal with. Tkachev did not consider the peasantry a revolutionary force.

Until the end of the 1970s, under the influence of Bakunin's ideas, all the forces of the Narodniks were concentrated on preparing a peasant revolution. The first test of the ideology of revolutionary populism in practice was the mass "going to the people" (1874 - 1875).

Peculiarities:

• Lack of a unified command center.
• Lack of a unified program of activities.
• Lack of a unified platform

Two types of propaganda:

• Volatile - moving from village to village, speaking at gatherings, reading proclamations, calls to disobey the administration, not to pay taxes, preaching Christian equality.
• settled - Living in small groups in villages, organizing artels and communes, schools, distributing illegal literature, gradual agitation

But the peasantry turned out to be immune to the ideas of revolution and socialism. The failure of the action "going to the people"

At the same time, the experience of "going to the people" contributed to the organizational rallying of the revolutionary forces. AT 1876 ​​a secret revolutionary organization "Land and Freedom" was created, characterized by high centralization, discipline and reliable conspiracy. ( The founders of the organization - G.V. Plekhanov, S.L. Perovskaya, A.D. Mikhailov, V.N. Figner, N.A. Morozov, S.M. Kravchinsky and others)

Goals and objectives of the organization:

• The overthrow of autocracy.
• Implementation of the socialist revolution.
• Transfer of all land to peasants with the right of communal use.
• Introduction of rural and urban "lay self-government"
• Creation of production, agricultural and industrial associations (associations)
• Introduction of freedom of speech, assembly, religion

Activity:

December 6, 1876 - the first political demonstration in Russia at the Kazan Cathedral in St. Petersburg

1878 - an attempt by V. Zasulich on the St. Petersburg mayor F. Trepov;

1879 - A. Solovyov's attempt on Alexander II

1879 - split "Land and freedom":

• "Black redistribution" (the peasants called a complete redistribution in the community. The revolutionaries hinted at the complete division of all land, including the landlords) - founders G. Plekhanov, L. Deutsch, V. Zasulich and others. They kept the main provisions of the program and tactics of "Land and Freedom"
• "People's Will" founders A. Zhelyabov, A. Mikhailov, S. Perovskaya and others. They were supporters of terror tactics to intimidate the government and ensure a political coup. Putting forward the slogan of the struggle for political freedom, the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, the Narodnaya Volya devoted all their strength to preparing and carrying out a series of terrorist acts against the tsar. Eight assassination attempts on Alexander II were prepared and carried out. On March 1, 1881, an assassination attempt on the tsar was carried out, as a result of which Alexander II was mortally wounded by a bomb thrown by I. Grivenitsky.

But the hopes of the revolutionaries for an upsurge in the mass liberation struggle after the assassination of the tsar did not come true. The leaders of the "Narodnaya Volya" and active participants in the assassination attempt - Andrei Zhelyabov, Sofia Perovskaya, Nikolai Kibalchich and others - were captured and executed.

Beginning in the 1980s, revolutionary populism entered a period of crisis. The intellectual radicalism in those years experienced a certain sobering-up. The task of fighting for political freedom came to the fore, and the realization of the socialist idea was pushed into the future. In general, populism remained the dominant trend in Russian public life in the 1980s.

III period - the 80s of the XIX century.

The assassination of Alexander II was the beginning of the decline of revolutionary populism. The last echo of terror was the unsuccessful assassination attempt on Alexander III on March 1, 1887, organized by a group of St. Petersburg students with the participation of A.I. Ulyanov (older brother of Lenin). Revolutionary populism was replaced by liberal populism, which advocated the destruction of the remnants of serfdom, primarily landlordism, the improvement of the material situation of the peasants, the prevention of the “ulcers” of capitalism in Russia, and the rejection of the traditions of the revolutionary struggle. They promoted the peaceful path of social and social transformations, and also came up with the theory of "small deeds" in the cultural, educational and national economic fields (the construction of hospitals, the development of a network of public schools, the protection of the rights of the peasantry, agronomic assistance, etc.). The intelligentsia must help the Russian people get rid of poverty and ignorance. The ideologists of liberal populism were N.K. Mikhailovsky - publicist, literary critic, economists V.V. Vorontsov and N.F. Danielson.

The development of capitalism and the growth of the labor movement in Russia, as well as the crisis of revolutionary populism in the 80s, forced some representatives of the populists to turn to Marxism. . AT 1883 in Geneva, former members of the "Black Redistribution" G.V. Plekhanov, V.I. Zasulich, P.B. Axelrod and others created the first Marxist organization, the Emancipation of Labor group.

The main goals of the group were:

• spreading the ideas of Marxism in Russia by translating into Russian the works of K. Marx and F. Engels (series "Library of Modern Socialism");
• criticism of populism (the main revolutionary force is the proletariat, not the peasantry);
• analysis of Russian reality from the standpoint of Marxism.

In parallel with the Emancipation of Labor group, Marxist circles arise and operate in Russia itself:

"Social Democratic Community" M. I. Brusnev, 1889 - 1992 St. Petersburg - Propaganda of Marxism, the creation of workers' circles. Organization of a demonstration and the first May Day in Russia in 1891 in St. Petersburg

In the 90s, the formation of V.I. Lenin as a theoretician of Marxism in Russia. He:

• puts forward the proposition of a revolutionary alliance of the proletariat and the peasantry, with the proletariat leading the fight against the autocracy.
• Lenin paid special attention to the task of creating a revolutionary proletarian party by combining Marxism with the workers' movement.

In the autumn of 1895 in St. Petersburg with the participation of V.I. Ulyanov (Lenin) and Y.O. Zederbaum (Martov) created the "Union of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class", which Lenin called the germ of a revolutionary party. Soon the leaders of the "Union" and among them Lenin were arrested and in 1897 exiled to Siberia.

AT In 1898, the first congress of the RSDLP (Russian Social Democratic Labor Party) took place in Minsk, which marked the beginning of the creation of the Social Democratic Party in Russia.

Working class and labor movement

During the last third of the 19th century the number of workers in Russia tripled and by 1900 amounted to about 3 million people. The ranks of the working class were replenished mainly at the expense of the peasants. The takeoff from the ground was slow. Insurance against illness and accidents did not exist then, and there were no pensions either. Many workers, having grown old, returned to live out their lives in the village. The land allotment was insurance for them.

In factories, the working day reached 14 - 15 hours. The labor of women and adolescents was widely used. The wages of workers in Russia were two times lower than in England, and four times lower than in the USA.

It soon became clear that the workers did not at all possess the endless patience that the peasants had. The same people behaved differently in the factory than in the countryside, where they were bound by paternal authority and village traditions. The peasants brought with them to the factory the discontent that had accumulated in the countryside, here it grew even more and broke out.

AT 1872 one of the first strikes in Russia took place, a strike at the Krenholm manufactory in Narva. AT 1880 There was a strike at the Yartsevo manufactory of the Khludov merchants in the Smolensk province. Having abandoned work, the workers broke the glass in the factory. Troops were called to Yartsovo. In subsequent years, unrest occurred in the Moscow province, in Yaroslavl and St. Petersburg. In 1885 a strike took place at the Nikolskaya manufactory, Morozov (near Orekhov-Zuev), which involved about 8 thousand workers.

1886 The government passed a law making participation in a strike punishable by arrest for up to a month. Entrepreneurs were forbidden to impose fines in excess of the established limit. Measures were taken to streamline the working day, collect fines, and work conditions for women and children. Control over the implementation of the law was entrusted to the factory inspectorate. AT 1897 was accepted "New factory charter".

It was decided, under the control of the police, to create "workers' mutual aid societies" in order to distract them from the direct struggle for their rights. The idea belonged to the head of the Moscow security department S.V. Zubatov. This policy was called "Zubatovism". "Zubatov trade unions" appeared in St. Petersburg, Moscow, Minsk, Vilna, Odessa and other industrial centers.

Only with the advent of the industrial upsurge in 1893 did the unrest of the workers gradually subside. .

They were called populists. position, the vast majority of the populists came from raznochintsy, people from low-income families: priests, petty officials of the nobility who had the opportunity to learn to make a career to occupy a prominent place in society. The socio-political views of the populists were a strange combination of the provisions of Christian ethics and socialist theories. This campaign among the people lasted no more than two years and ended in the complete failure of the agitational stage of the populist movement.

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№35

Social movement in Russia in the 1860s-1870s.

The main danger to the course of the country's renewal came from those who believed that the reforms were too slow and were superficial. Representatives of left-wing radical movements and circles, demanding fundamental changes in the country, declared themselves just in the early 1960s. They were called populists.

The founders of their ideology were A.I. Herzen and N.G. Chernyshevsky, and the main motto was formulated by V.G. Belinsky: “The human personality is higher than history, higher than society, higher than mankind.”

Later, this formula was developed by the famous ideologist of peasant socialism N.K. Mikhailovsky. According to him, the “personality” cannot take a worthy position either under capitalism or under the “royal dictatorship”, therefore, it is necessary to discard and destroy modern society and build on its ruins some kind of communal kingdom of light and justice, built on the principles of equality and selflessness.

According to his social position, the overwhelming majority of populists came from raznochintsy (come from low-income families: priests, petty officials, nobles), who received the opportunity to study, make a career, and take a prominent place in society. But study and service did not attract them: they dreamed of radical changes in Russia.

From the end of the 1850s. Populists began to unite in secret circles and unions, to develop strategies and tactics to combat the existing social system.

The socio-political views of the populists were a strange combination of the provisions of Christian ethics and socialist theories. Throwing bombs, killing with a dagger from behind a corner, shooting from a revolver at some people, they wanted to make others happy. This social philosophy had nothing in common with Christianity, which asserts the inherent value of every human life. However, the populists did not feel remorse, they perceived their own bloody acts as a popular response to "autocratic despotism." They were distinguished by a fanatical hatred for the social structure of Russia. They didn't need transformation, they dreamed of crash. In the name of the realization of this dream, young people went to the most incredible deeds, sacrificed their careers, and not rarely their lives, and not only their own.

The first notable populist organization was the "Land and Freedom", which existed in 1861-1863. and uniting several dozen boys and girls mostly students of various St. Petersburg institutions. The landowners came to the conclusion that the people themselves could not start an uprising to establish a socialist republic. He must be prepared for this cherished Narodnik goal.

In 1861, A.I. Herzen in his “Bell” called on Russian revolutionaries to go to the people in order to conduct revolutionary propaganda there.

Walking among the people reached its apogee in the 1870s. Hundreds of young people rushed to the village, got jobs there as paramedics, surveyors, veterinarians, turned into farmers and, at every opportunity, had conversations with the peasants, explaining to them that in order to eliminate the oppression of the authorities, to achieve prosperity and prosperity in the family, it is necessary to overthrow power and establish a people's republic. They encouraged the peasants to prepare for an uprising.

The peasants, who were dissatisfied with many things in their lives, were very religious and unconditionally revered the tsar. They had no confidence in these strange urban young people, who themselves could hardly do anything properly. The peasants either handed over the propagandists to the police, or dealt with them themselves. This "going to the people" lasted no more than two years and ended in a complete failure of the agitational stage of the populist movement.

Then it was decided to deploy terror against the authorities. In this way, the Narodniks hoped to sow fear and confusion among the population and the authorities. They believed that this would weaken the state apparatus and facilitate their main task, the overthrow of the autocracy.

In 1876, a new organization "Land and Freedom" arose, in the program of which it was already clearly written that actions were needed aimed at disorganizing the state and destroying "the most harmful or prominent persons from the government." The second "Land and Freedom" brought together about 200 people and began to think about plans for terrorist actions.

Among the Narodniks, not everyone approved of terror. Some (for example, the well-known Marxist-revolutionary G.V. Plekhanov) adhered to the old tactics, insisted on carrying out propaganda actions and did not consider terror the only means of solving political problems.

In 1879, "land and freedom" broke up into two organizations "Narodnaya Volya" and "Black Redistribution".

Most of the populists - "irreconcilable" - united in the "Narodnaya Volya", which set itself the goal of overthrowing the monarchy, convening a Constituent Assembly, liquidating a standing army, and introducing communal self-government.

From the very beginning of their terrorist activity, the tsar was the main target for the Narodniks. The first attempt on his life took place in April 1866, when student D.V. Karakozov fired a revolver at Alexander II .There were other assassination attempts.

The government has not been idle. Members of several illegal terrorist groups were arrested and put on trial. For the whole XIX in. In Russia, about 500 people were executed for political crimes.

Groups of young people appeared, as a rule, from half-educated students, who became carriers of destructive tendencies. These nihilists rejected everything, ridiculed and discarded any authority - power, the Church, the past of the country.

Wanting to put an end to anti-government protests in the country, Alexander II gave great powers to Count M.T. Loris-Melikov, who became famous for his bold and decisive actions during the Russian-Turkish war (1877-1878). He believed that for the onset of public peace, it is necessary to carry out changes in the system of political governance of the country. He insisted on the abolition of the Third Branch of the Imperial Chancellery, instead of which the Police Department was created under the Ministry of the Interior. Loris-Melikov proposed to involve elected representatives of the population in the work on the laws being prepared.

However, all this did not make the proper impression on the populists. They continued to hatch the idea of ​​assassinating the king, hoping that in this way they would be able to cause panic in the country and raise an anti-government uprising. The leaders of the "Narodnaya Volya" - student A.I. Zhelyabov and the daughter of General S.L. Perovskaya, who had broken with her parents, with a group of like-minded people, drew up a plan to assassinate the emperor. It was scheduled for March 1, 1881. On the eve of the police managed to catch the trail of the conspirators and arrest Zhelyabov, but this did not change the plans of the terrorists.

March 1, 1881 on the banks of the Catherine Canal in the carriage of Alexander II a bomb was dropped. It was the sixth assassination attempt on the king. He was not injured, but the driver and the boy the passer-by were killed. However, a few minutes later, another attacker threw a bomb right at the feet of the autocrat. Alexander II was severely wounded and died some time later.

Main dates and events: 1875 - formation of the "South Russian Union of Workers"; 1878 - formation of the "Northern Union of Russian Workers"; 1876-1879 - "Land and freedom"; 1879-1886 - "People's Will"; March 1, 1881 - the assassination of Alexander II by the Narodnaya Volya.

Historical figures: A.M. Unkovsky; M.N. Katkov; N.G. Chernyshevsky; M.A. Bakunin; P.L. Lavrov; P.N. Tkachev; M.A. Nathanson; HELL. Mikhailov; G.V. Plekhanov; A.I. Zhelyabov; S.L. Perovskaya; V.N. Figner.

Basic terms and concepts: liberalization; conservatism; populism; terror.

Answer plan:

• 1) historical conditions and features of the social movement of the 60-70s;
• 2) liberal movement;
• 3) conservative movement;
• 4) revolutionary movement;
• 5) populism;
• 6) going to the people;
• 7) "Land and freedom";
• 8) "Narodnaya Volya";
• 9) the first workers' organizations;
• 10) the significance of the social movement of the 60-70s.

Reply material: Social movement of the 1860s and 70s had a number of features. The main issues discussed at that time by conservatives, liberals and revolutionaries were the issues of political and socio-economic reform of Russian society, the direction and depth of social reforms, and specific reform projects. Reforms of the 60-70s relied on the support of the liberals who worked in the noble provincial committees. One of them is the leader of the Tver nobility A.M. Unkovsky was not only the author of his own project for the liberation of the peasants, but also the "address" with a proposal to convene elected representatives from "the whole Russian land", that is, parliament. After the zemstvo reform, the center of Russian liberalism moved to zemstvo and city institutions. However, the positions of the liberals were not shared by the public in the conditions of illiteracy of the main part of the population.

The reforms aroused opposition from the conservatives, who sought to preserve the old order for the stability of Russian society. The growth of the revolutionary movement during the period of reforms was considered by the conservatives as a direct consequence of the course pursued by the government. They not only did not support the reforms of Alexander II, but also tried to weaken the influence of the liberals by appointing personnel. After the Polish uprising, the well-known liberal M.N. Katkov is the editor of Moskovskie Vedomosti. He believed that the reforms led to the separation of the intelligentsia from the people and violated the previously existing "unity of the people with the king."

The reforms caused a rapid growth of revolutionary sentiments in society. Representatives of the revolutionary camp considered the steps taken by the government half measures and even a deception of the population. They believed that urgent issues could be resolved only through a revolutionary upheaval. One of the main theorists of the revolutionary movement was the editor of the Sovremennik magazine N.G. Chernyshevsky. Developing the ideas of A.I. Herzen about communal socialism, he was a supporter and theorist of the peasant revolution in Russia and called for the creation of a revolutionary organization. These ideas were reflected in his novel What Is to Be Done?, written during his imprisonment in the Peter and Paul Fortress.

The theoretical views of Chernyshevsky became the basis for the formation of a new political trend of the radical intelligentsia - populism. Believing that the peasantry was the main revolutionary force in Russian society, the Narodniks set themselves the task of rousing them to the struggle. The ideologist of the rebellious trend of populism was M.A. Bakunin, who proceeded from the premise that popular uprisings against the authorities would be spontaneous. The result of the revolution, in his opinion, should be the elimination of state institutions and their replacement by free self-governing organizations. P.L. Lavrov. He believed that the revolution needed a long preparation, since the illiterate peasantry was not able to immediately understand the idea of ​​​​socialism. The intelligentsia should convey to him the basics of education (both general educational and political). P.N. Tkachev is known as the leader of the conspiratorial trend in populism. He believed that the peasantry was not capable of carrying out the revolution on its own. This function should, in his opinion, belong to a political organization that will "shatter" the foundations of power by terror against its representatives. Appeared in the late 60's - early 70's. populist circles and organizations managed to create a network of their branches in many cities of the country. In 1874-1875. a large-scale agitation action of the populists, known as "going to the people", was undertaken. Several hundred members of the Narodnaya Volya dispersed to villages and villages with the aim of politically enlightening the peasants. They tried to explain socialist ideas to them in an accessible way and called for mass actions against the authorities. However, "going to the people" ended in complete failure - the peasantry in its mass remained indifferent to the appeals, many populists were arrested and convicted.

In 1876, a centralized illegal populist organization "Land and Freedom" was created (M.A. Natanson, A.D. Mikhailov, G.V. Plekhanov and others). Its participants set the goal of transferring land to the peasants, organizing communal self-government in the countryside. These goals were supposed to be achieved through a political coup, in the preparation of which both propaganda measures and individual terror were used. In a short time, a series of assassination attempts were made on major state dignitaries and on the tsar himself. However, all this led to increased political repression. The inefficiency of the activities of the "Land and Freedom" caused an aggravation of internal discussions. In 1879, the organization split into two independent parts. "Black Redistribution" based its activities on propaganda work (it was headed by G.V. Plekhanov). "Narodnaya Volya" used individual terror as the most important method of struggle (its leaders were A.I. Zhelyabov, A.D. Mikhailov, S.L. Perovskaya, V.N. Figner, and others).

In the 1870s the first workers' organizations appeared. In 1875, the "South Russian Union of Workers" was formed in Odessa. In 1878, the "Northern Union of Russian Workers" was created in St. Petersburg. Their goal was to fight for broad political freedoms. Thus, the social movement in the 60-70s. characterized by a sharp activation, the creation of the first revolutionary organizations, the beginning of the formation of workers' unions.