What were the causes of the revolutionary events of 1905. Causes, stages, course of the revolution

Of course, the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907. did not begin with the provocation of the priest Gapon, as we indicated in the general text about a brief history of all revolutionary events in Russia. The procession of workers led by this "figure" simply became a vivid symbol of that large-scale and bloodless transformation that began in our country in those years. And there were a lot of reasons and conditions for this, as well as forces and means for its implementation.

If we consider the events of 1905-1907. Based on the materials of Soviet historiography, which is largely based on Lenin's theoretical messages, one can get the following and largely paradoxical "picture":

1. This revolution, by definition, is recognized as "bourgeois-democratic", i.e. pursuing bourgeois goals (we will dwell on them in more detail), but (!) at the same time:
a) the people became its driving force
b) in terms of the means of struggle used in it, it is completely proletarian

Hegemony in this revolutionary process, bourgeois in its tasks, was carried out by the working class, which drew the peasantry into its side as an ally. The bourgeoisie itself as a class, according to all sources, at that time was a weak force, moreover, it showed cowardice and inability to take decisive action.

2. It also created its own Marxist party, which after that became the "leading and guiding" force.

3. During the revolutionary events of 1905-1907. there was a merger of two social wars in the country:
a) nationwide - against the autocracy for democratic freedoms and rights
b) class proletarian - for social reconstruction, i.e. socialist against the bourgeoisie.

4. The result of the revolution is defeat. Or, in the words of Trotsky, "half-defeat." But the significance of the event, according to the consolidated opinion of Soviet historical science, is enormous, since the first Russian revolution
a) became the prologue or rehearsal of October, laying the foundations for a new political superstructure in the form of Soviets
b) marked the beginning of the revolutionary "awakening" of the East, i.e. similar revolutionary events in Asia

It is interesting to note that the tasks of the events of those years were liberation from the shackles of feudalism and the “inclusion” of the country to capitalism, although the term and concept of “capitalism” itself became known only from the middle of the 19th century, and its spread began in the 60s.
But the term and concept of "socialism" is older than it by 2-3 decades, i.e. appeared in the 20s and 30s.

Any revolutions in their analysis and determination of their nature are considered according to several main positions, namely:

• According to their driving forces (which include political, social communities, parties, movements that express popular sentiments)
• According to their direction
• In the image of a new reality that should arise as a result of them
• According to the mission in history - the image of a new state, a new economy, a new culture, etc. This also includes
  international influence of the new country
• By the generation of a new elite, social classes or groups and the design of new cultural realities, created and shaped by this revolution

In this regard, the first revolution in Russia did not happen out of nowhere; among its main reasons, objective historical positions were identified:

• Limited character and failures in the implementation of reforms - 60-80s. 19th century
• Counter-reforms - same period
• Modernization Witte

On these “leavens” came the liberal and populist, and with them the social democratic protest movements, in which the opposition of the counter-elite was formed, with which part of the ruling elites merged.

Events of the main series of the revolution of 1905-1907. we have it in the main text about the Russian revolutions, so we will not repeat it.

We will only try to briefly outline the panorama of the revolutionary actions and consequences of 1905-1907. according to the above criteria.

The driving forces of the first Russian revolution

Let's start with an unusual fact!
The Russian students, although not named among the revolutionary forces of 1905-07, were all the less their real vanguard and even "petrel". According to the reports, it is known that since 1899 regular and almost continuous unrest of this category of citizens has been recorded in the country.

From 1901, the political character and workers' protest began to take shape in the form of strikes; from 1902, the peasantry joined them.

According to statistics, Russia of that period is an agrarian-industrial economy:

• Agricultural sector - 70% of the population
• Industrial - 9%

The urban population accounted for about 13.4%. So, in St. Petersburg and Moscow - this is 1 million inhabitants. (Moreover, the declassed part of the townspeople among them is about 360 thousand).

The workers themselves were at that time the “youngest” political and social class; in the legislation existing at that time, their place in the real structure of society was not even “written out”. In addition, according to their passports, such workers still passed as philistines or peasants. These people, as a rule, were also not adapted to the conditions of the city, they kept in touch with the usual village way of life and with the traditional mentality of the community. Interestingly, from the data for 1917, 31% of the workers of St. Petersburg and 40% of the workers of Moscow had allotments of land in the villages. They also had families there (up to 90% among St. Petersburg workers, and up to 97% among Moscow workers)
There were no more than 1% of hereditary workers, the rest were seasonal workers, farm laborers, homeworkers, and mercenaries. That is, this socio-political class on the eve of the first Russian revolution was characterized by the incompleteness of its social formation.

The young capitalists, on the other hand, acted in an openly predatory manner with their workers - they compensated for low productivity with an increased working day. There was no labor protection, no social guarantees. It is known that out of a hundred children born in working-class families, 58-64 babies died at that time.

Women's earnings were halved compared to men. Only at the end of the 19th century came the restriction on the length of the working day - up to 11.5 hours! (Moreover, the manufacturers left the effect of this law, and their artisans worked for 14-15 hours).

As an argument, another indicator is given - in Russia at the turn of the century there was no layer of "working aristocracy", and the percentage of highly paid workers was low. This intermediate layer between the ruling class and the proletariat was then occupied by the urban petty bourgeoisie - merchants, householders, workshop owners, etc. Their standard of living brought them closer to the proletariat, while in their preferences and worldviews they gravitated precisely towards the ruling class.

The largest social class on the eve of the first revolution in Russia is the peasantry, moreover, most of it was born during serfdom. Therefore, the picture of the world of these people was almost medieval, where social inequality was fixed and displayed in the class structure.

After the reform of 1861, these people became formally free, but at the same time burdened with the corresponding redemption payments for the land. So, it is known that the peasants received 1.5. billion rubles for their plots (and this is about 137 million acres), which in turn exceeded even the market value of the land at that time.

In the west and south of the empire there was even agrarian overpopulation, when the obvious shortage of land was exposed. There were many landless peasants, and 16.5 million people had plots of less than 1 hectare (i.e. tithe).

To top it all off, a huge part of the land was at that time in communal use with its forced equalization, redistribution of allotments, punishments or expropriation of plots. However, the communal character did not prevent the social differentiation that arose after the reform. Prosperous owners appear in those communities (mainly where there was no redistribution of fields).
(For example, the peasants of the Baltic regions became free 50 years earlier than the Russians, but did not have land ownership and were in farm labor or rented allotments).

The communal nature of the organization of life, which was present in the majority of the country's population, left its imprints on all public spheres. Stereotypes of egalitarian and traditional consciousness created an "impenetrable" shield for all ideas about new values ​​introduced or introduced into public discourse. It is interesting that the German historian M. Weber, studying the revolutionary events (and what is even more interesting, having learned Russian for this!), wrote that at the beginning of the 1905 revolution, there were no favorable conditions in the country for the cultivation of such new values ​​( "individual right", "property right", etc.). Moreover, the historian was inclined to believe that it was precisely the ideas of "agrarian communism", characteristic of the dominant communal culture of the majority of the population, that could become the main content of the entire revolution.

Statistics also confirm that peasant uprisings in those years affected almost all regions of the country. It is known, for example, that such "excessive activity" and a real wave of peasant unrest put even many revolutionaries into a stupor, overnight confusing a number of their "strategic initiatives." It should be noted that these unrest in most cases were in the nature of ordinary rebellion and were expressed in mass pogroms, arsons and riots.

Another social stratum belonging to the class of the peasantry is the Cossacks. In total, at the turn of the century, Russia had 11 Cossack troops. The service went on for 20 years and was provided with a large land fund. So, the Cossack "share" was 30 acres, which made its owner a "chosen", or privileged peasant. This alignment was beneficial for the authorities, they tried to preserve the way of life of the Cossacks in order to always have a combat detachment for police or punitive needs.

In the ruling elite on the eve of the first revolution there were two classes - the nobles and the bourgeois.

The bourgeois before the reform are merchants. The accumulation of capital was carried out in usury and trade. When the transition to machine production took place, industrial capital took the lead. According to the social base, the first bourgeois are, in addition to merchants, petty bourgeois and even prosperous peasantry. At the turn of the century, the size of the bourgeois class reached the level of 1.5 million people, but there was an obvious heterogeneity of this new class. In addition, its political significance lagged far behind its economic possibilities. According to the existing tradition of public worldview, merchants have always been perceived as a "non-elite", so the new bourgeois were only forced to adapt to this state of affairs, trying, if necessary, to obtain the nobility in any way. Before the revolutionary events, the bourgeois are already trying to voice their political claims, but they will only be able to fully feel like “masters” after the fall of the Romanovs in February 1917 ??? Only the nobility remained the elite. According to the census data (1897), the nobles in the country were:

• 1 221939 - hereditary
• 631 245 - personal
• 830 titled families

With the abolition of serfdom, they are deprived of free peasants and face certain problems of housekeeping. The proceeds from the sale of allotments do not save money (even at an inflated cost). Not everyone can arrange some kind of production on their farms. The state is trying to support the nobility with loans through the Land Bank. But this is not a relief from difficulties. The areas of noble landholdings are reduced by 1/5 across the country. The appearance of the new masters of life is also changing (remember Chekhov's The Cherry Orchard). Along with the loss of economic power, the nobility begins to lose political weight. It's slower, but it's coming. Meanwhile, according to statistics, the bureaucratic apparatus at that time in the country was the largest bureaucratic stratum of society; so, at the turn of the century, it numbered more than 436 thousand people

The state itself as an absolute monarchy is a form of superstructure that may have some independence in relation to the base. It has always been a key historical player - it interfered in the economy, culture, carried out monopolistic actions. For absolutism, power is always personified by the personality of the monarch.

Here we will only highlight some of the features. The king was convinced of the divine origin of imperial power and its lack of alternative for the people. He said: “Monarchy… You don't need it. I don't need her. But as long as the people need it, we must support it.”

By the way, when, nevertheless, after the revolutionary uprisings, pogroms and atrocities, Nikolai signs the Manifesto on the beginning of bourgeois constitutionalism, the words will appear in his diary: “Lord, help us, pacify Russia” ...

This is how Russian society looked in very general terms on the eve of the first Russian revolution. A few more numbers need to be added. So, among the population were considered literate:

• Among the clergy (this is an average of 2% of the total population) - all
• Philistines, merchants (11%) - half literate
• Rural residents (52%) - one third are literate

That is, the general state of affairs with education in Russia is 3-4%.

The new "old" elite of the country and its role in the revolution of 1905-07.

Among the difficulties of its formation stood out:

• Sociocultural split of Russian society
• Mass stereotypes of traditional self-consciousness
• Weakness of the bourgeoisie

For these reasons, the new liberal elite was also frankly weak. It is known, for example, that the values ​​of liberalism were then shared by only 1.5 thousand people throughout the country. Russian liberalism had the character of a nobility-zemstvo, and then of an intelligentsia. The intelligentsia on the eve of all revolutionary events and during them becomes the "deputy" of that same weak and indecisive bourgeoisie. It is also interesting that the orientation of her actions is more about theories and ideas than their practical implementation. The same differentiation is observed among the intellectuals and, surprisingly, an ambivalent attitude towards the state itself:

• On the one hand, this is an attitude as a strangler of freedoms
• On the other hand, as a mandatory executor of all reforms

We have shown that such liberal figures, in fact, acted in a political and social environment alien to their ideas and were themselves split. In view of this, Russian liberalism as an influential force, in contrast to European, on the eve of 1905-07. never took place and did not exert its decisive influence on those events.

Meanwhile, the influence of the intelligentsia itself on revolutionary actions was enormous. No wonder it is believed that everything that was required for the revolution in terms of "ideological baggage, spiritual equipment, advanced fighters, propagandists" she received from the Russian intelligentsia.

In fact, since the 1960s In the 19th century, the intelligentsia "invited" the revolution to the country. And in 1905, such a bourgeois-democratic revolution happened - the tsar signed the corresponding manifesto after terrible bloody clashes, riots, pogroms throughout Russia.

However, the intelligentsia is discouraged - the result was neither social peace, nor civil freedom, nor the liberation of the individual.
As it turned out, the “creative forces” of the Russian intelligentsia “turned out to be far weaker than the destructive ones ...”

The phenomenon of Russia's intelligentsia is complex and requires separate consideration. Here we note only some of its features.
The exorbitant exaltation of man, the desire to organize society and life through reason alone led to utopian enthusiasm for the ideas of socialism. Such an exceptionally rational construction of social organization inevitably fell into totalitarianism in the future. Violence as a method of eliminating enemies for the sake of a brighter future in practice resulted in hatred for the present with its living people ...

The difference here between the liberals and the intelligentsia itself was reduced only to the permissible number of such victims. Thus, the intellectuals nurtured and partly led the extreme currents, which then resulted in terrorism, criminality, and so on.

As soon as the messages were delivered by telegraph "about the granting of freedoms of the press, conscience, assembly, etc." the elements of rallies and democratic manifestations rushed across the country. The answer was the processions of "patriots", which ended in pogroms. Jewish settlements and other national minorities were destroyed in national regions. However, here it was not so much national motives that merged together and even prevailed, but political ones. In response to terror there were actions of monarchists. Among the victims were students, democratic intelligentsia, Bolsheviks.

It is interesting that, for example, in Kyiv, the mayor himself took an incendiary position, answering the townspeople to the pogroms: “You wanted freedom, you will get it. Shop robberies are not pogroms, this is a patriotic action”….

Terror was established on the streets, including with the "consent" of the local power apparatus.

The extreme right was supported by numerous Black Hundreds.

"Black Hundred" - that was the historical name. So in Russia they denoted the taxed population of the settlements, i.e. ordinary city people. The monarchists took him by direct association. The Black Hundred of Novgorod rallied around Minin and saved Moscow - why not an image of heroism? In the program of these movements, the course towards the historical mission of Russia, its separate path was especially indicated ...

The slogans included the well-known - Orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality, where the latter was meant exclusively as nationalism. The goals were, among other things, the separation of workers. So, the Putilov plant in St. Petersburg, which became the vanguard of the revolution of 1905-07. at the same time was the flagship of the black-hundred movement.

As history shows, the ideas of the Black Hundreds could not penetrate deeply into proletarian circles. But they instantly recruited supporters in declassed communities, among lumpen and criminals. Subsequently, such combat Black-Hundred brigades were frankly used in terrorist actions.

After the armed uprising in Moscow in December 1905 and its bloody denouement, the government shifted to reaction, starting punitive actions. There is a rejection of the course torn out by the revolutionaries during the peak of events: in February 1906, a new Manifesto is issued, which turns the State Council into a legislative body, making the latter a necessary counterbalance to the new Duma. Thus, by pacifying the Duma, the State Council (and half of its members were appointed by the tsar, half came from elections) turned into a "cemetery watchman" of all liberal aspirations.

However, tsarism did not dare to fully restore the former absolutism.

In the summer of 1907, the ongoing political "games" with the Duma ended with its dissolution, which violated the provisions of the main revolutionary achievement - the Manifesto of October 17th. These events are considered in our history as a coup d'état. Lenin rejoices at such actions - now his opponents, who imposed the hegemony of liberalism, belittling his revolutionary aspirations, are destroyed.

Tired of revolutionary chaos, Russia takes to the right. Stolypin becomes the head of the new government. The first Russian revolution is over.

Stolypin's activity, which he carried out under the motto of Chicherin - "strong power and liberal reforms", was supposed to curtail any revolutionary renewal by strengthening the state and becoming a peasant owner. Many assassination attempts were made on Stolypin, as a result of the latter he would be seriously injured and die. Many, including the elite, will then rise to fight the reformer.

In general, his actions in history will remain an episode of the last chance to save the country in a rush of its modernization. After his death, of course, the entire reform movement was stopped, and following this step, the contours of new, more terrible revolutions will loom on the horizon of the country.

Peasants, workers, sailors, soldiers, and intelligentsia took part in the Russian revolution.

The main causes of the revolution:

• The aggravation of contradictions in the center of the country and the failure in the Russo-Japanese War are the cause of the political crisis;
• The unsettledness of the agrarian question—redemption payments, lack of land among the peasants, and others;
• The unsettledness of the labor question is the inaccessibility of the social inviolability of workers at a very high level of exploitation;
• Failure in operations on the Russian-Japanese front;
• The unresolved national question is a limitation of the power of national minorities, to a large extent Jews and Poles.

The first Russian revolution of 1905-1907

It is known that it was provoked by the events that began in January 1905 in St. Petersburg. There are the following main stages of the revolution:

• The first stage - winter 1905 to autumn 1905

On January 9, 1905, they gave an order to shoot a peaceful demonstration, which was called "Bloody Sunday". For this reason, workers' strikes began in almost all regions of the state.

From May to June, the Council of Workers' Deputies was created, which acted as alternative authorities.

Mid-June - an uprising on the cruiser "Potemkin", which showed the government that high hopes cannot be placed on the armed forces.

In the autumn of 1905, an important event took place. The all-Russian October strike, initiated by the trade union of printers, was supported by other trade unions. The ruler publishes a manifesto "On the improvement of the state order." He grants the right to freedom of assembly, conscience, speech, press "Union of October 17". Also, the Constitutional Democratic Party, the Mensheviks and the Social Revolutionaries declare the end of the revolution.

• The second stage - December 1905 to June 1907

In early December, the Moscow armed uprising takes place, the Bolsheviks tried to start a general armed uprising, which failed.

From March to April 1906, elections to the First State Duma were held.

At the end of April to July 1906 - the beginning of the work of the First State Duma.

From February to June 1907 - the beginning of the work of the II State Duma. It was dissolved on June 3, 1907. During this period, there were still a few strikes, but they soon stopped, and control over the country of the government was restored.

• Also read -

The results of the revolution

1. The form of government in Russia was completely changed. At that time it was a constitutional monarchy.
2. Political parties have gained the ability to operate legally.
3. Redemption payments were abolished, the peasants were granted the right to free movement, as well as the choice of place of residence.
4. Improving the situation of workers (increasing wages, establishing sickness benefits in some enterprises, reducing the working day).

The reasons: 1) the main reason for the revolution was the preservation of feudal-serf remnants, which hampered the further development of the country; 2) unresolved work issue; 3) national question; 4) difficult service conditions for soldiers and sailors; 5) anti-government attitude of the intelligentsia; 6) defeat in the Russo-Japanese War.

The nature revolution 1905–1907 was bourgeois democratic.

The main tasks of the revolution: 1) the overthrow of the autocracy and the establishment of a constitutional monarchy;

2) solution of agrarian and national issues;

3) the elimination of feudal-serf remnants. The main driving forces of the revolution: workers, peasants, petty bourgeoisie. The active position during the revolution was occupied by the working class, which used various means in its struggle - demonstrations, strikes, armed uprising.

course of revolutionary events. Ascending stage, January–October 1905 The beginning of the revolution was the events in St. Petersburg: the general strike and Bloody Sunday. On January 9, 1905, workers who went to the tsar with a request to improve their lives were shot. The petition was compiled by members of the "Assembly of Russian Factory Workers of St. Petersburg" under the leadership of G.A. Gapon. Bloody Sunday shook the whole country. Mass riots broke out in different regions of the country. Gradually strikes and demonstrations acquired a political character. The main slogan was: "Down with the autocracy!" The revolutionary movement also captured the army and navy. In June 1905, there was an uprising of sailors on the battleship "Prince Potemkin-Tavrichesky". The peasantry participated in revolutionary uprisings. The rebellious peasants destroyed the landowners' estates, seized warehouses and grain barns.

The climax, the highest rise of the revolution, October - December 1905 In the autumn and winter of 1905 the revolutionary movement reached its highest point. Moscow became the center of revolutionary actions at this time. Here a political strike began, which grew into an all-Russian political strike.

Nicholas II was forced October 17, 1905 to sign the Manifesto"On the improvement of the state order", according to which: 1) the State Duma was to be convened; 2) the population of the country was granted democratic freedoms - speech, assembly, press, conscience; 3) universal suffrage was introduced.

In December 1905 In Moscow, a strike began, which grew into an armed uprising. Presnya became the center of the uprising. To suppress it, the Semenovsky Guards Regiment was sent to Moscow. This prompted the Moscow Council of the RSDLP to decide to end the uprising, after which the uprising gradually declined.

Descending phase, January 1906 - June 1907 The labor movement began to decline, and the intelligentsia is getting tired of revolutionary instability. Although it was at this time that the peak of the peasant movement was observed, the seizure of landlords' land, the burning of landowners' estates.

On April 23, 1906, new "Basic Laws" were adopted: 1) the tsar received the right of "emergency legislation" without the approval of the State Duma; 2) the State Council became the upper house, approving all decisions of the Duma; 3) the decisions of the Duma did not receive legal force without the consent of the king.

Revolution 1905–1907 was unfinished. However: 1) limited the autocracy to some extent; 2) led to the establishment of legislative representation; 3) the proclamation of political freedoms, the creation of political parties; 4) the peasants during the revolution achieved the abolition of redemption payments (1906).

28. The beginning of Russian parliamentarism: the first State Dumas

The manifesto of October 17, 1905 was a major step towards political reforms. The Council of Ministers was formed as a permanent body. The ministers were responsible for their actions to the king. The State Council was preserved, but now it is

received the rights of the upper house of the Duma. Half of its members were appointed by the emperor, half were elected from the nobility. The State Council had the right not to approve bills proposed by the Duma. Documents received the force of laws only after their approval by the king. Between sessions of the Duma, the tsar could single-handedly issue decrees, which were then submitted for approval by the Duma. Her legislative powers were limited. Nevertheless, the empire ceased to be a classical autocratic monarchy. Opportunities for the convocation and work of the Duma were created. For all its limitations, this was the first experience of Russian parliamentarism in history.

The First State Duma was elected on the basis of the electoral law on December 11, 1905. 25 million people received the right to vote. Laborers, women, soldiers, sailors, students, workers employed in small enterprises did not participate in the elections. Age (25 years) and property qualifications were introduced. The elections were multi-stage, and the rights of voters were unequal. The vote of the landowner was equal to 3 votes of the bourgeoisie, 15 votes of the peasants and 45 votes of the workers.

On April 27, Nicholas II solemnly opened the State Duma. The main victory in the elections was won by the Kadet party, which received more than a third of all seats. The Trudoviks, who expressed the interests of the peasantry, won a fourth of the mandates. 15 Social Democrats entered the Duma. Moderate liberal S. M. Muromtsev was elected the Chairman of the Duma. The general mood of the Duma members was opposition to the government.

A week after the start of work, the Duma adopted an appeal to Nicholas II. The deputies demanded the introduction of general elections, the creation of a ministry responsible to the Duma, the abolition of Goremykin rejected these demands. The Duma demanded the resignation of the government. The situation escalated.

The agrarian question aroused great controversy in the Duma. The Trudoviks proposed that all lands be transferred to a "nationwide land fund." The fund was to be managed by local governments. This meant the nationalization of the land and the elimination of landownership. The Duma adopted a more moderate draft law proposed by the Cadets, according to which the peasants could

kup to receive landowners' lands. Duma members were sure that the tsar would make concessions. That did not happen.

On July 9, 1906, the new Minister of the Interior, P.A. Stolypin, dissolved the State Duma. Some of the deputies left for Vyborg. They adopted the "Vyborg Appeal", in which they called on the people not to pay taxes, not to give soldiers into the army. Goremykin was forced to resign. Stolypin became the new chairman of the Council of Ministers. The drafters of the appeal were subjected to legal persecution and lost the opportunity to get into the next Duma.

In November 1906, the election campaign for the II State Duma began. The Cadets received only about 20% of the seats, the Black Hundreds and Octobrists 10%. The Left has won a big victory:

the Social Democrats won 12.5% ​​of the seats, while the Trudoviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries won about 30%. As a result, candidates from government parties formed an insignificant faction in the Duma.

The Second Duma opened on February 20, 1907. The agrarian question again became central. Government proposals were not supported. There was a real possibility of accepting the project of the Trudoviks. They demanded the abolition of landlordism. In the face of a decline in revolutionary events, the government decided to go on the offensive.

On June 1, 1907, Stolypin demanded that deputies from the Social Democratic faction be expelled from the Duma, accusing them of plotting a military conspiracy. The Duma demanded proof. Without waiting for the results of the investigation, on June 3, 1907, Nicholas II announced the dissolution of the Duma and the introduction of a new electoral law. The law change was carried out in violation of the October 17 Manifesto and was perceived as a coup d'état.

The Social Democratic faction was arrested. New elections have been scheduled for November 1. There were no protests or demonstrations on this issue. Under the new electoral law, the majority in the Duma was provided to nobles and entrepreneurs. The representation of peasants and national minorities was reduced. Even Stolypin agreed that the new electoral law was shameless.

The first Duma experiments were unsuccessful. Neither the government nor the two Dumas could find a reasonable compromise. The coup d'état on June 3, 1907 marked the end of the first Russian revolution

Reforms of P. A. Stolypin

After the revolutionary events of 1905-1907. the most far-sighted politicians understood that in order to prevent a social explosion, it was necessary to reform many aspects of the life of society, first of all, to solve the peasant question. The initiator of the reform was the Chairman of the Council of Ministers (1906-1911) P.A. Stolypin. P.A. Stolypin, former governor of Saratov, later minister of the interior, was appointed prime minister at 44. He was an authoritarian reformer. Stolypin was convinced that without stabilizing the situation in the country, without "calming" the people, even through cruel measures, the planned reforms were doomed to failure. For his tough policy in liberal and radical circles, he earned the fame of the "hangman".

November 9, 1906 a decree was issued that: 1) granted the peasants the right to freely leave the communities, securing the ownership of the due part of the communal land; 2) a peasant could receive land in the form of a separate plot (cut), to which he could also transfer his estate (farm).

Thus, the decree did not specifically destroy the peasant communities, but unleashed the hands of the peasants who wanted to manage on their own. Thus, it was planned to create in the countryside a layer of strong, thrifty owners, alien to the revolutionary spirit, and in general to increase the productivity of agriculture. The decree, adopted during the period between the years, immediately entered into force as "extraordinary".

A large role was assigned to the Main Directorate of Land Management and Agriculture(since 1908 - the Ministry of Agriculture), which organized the correct delimitation of land on the ground.

It was planned to develop medicine and veterinary medicine, provide social assistance peasants.

To resolve the issue of lack of land, the resettlement of peasants from zones with an acute shortage of land to Siberia, Kazakhstan, and other regions was organized. In addition, immigrants were exempted from taxes for a long time, they were given a cash allowance of 200 rubles. for one family.

The power, which was in the hands of one emperor, ceased to suit the multi-million dollar empire. The discontent generated by many problems, both in the political and social spheres, grew into a revolution. Unrest increased. The monarch could no longer handle the situation. He had to compromise, which was the beginning of the end of the empire.

Internal prerequisites for revolution

The inhabitants of the vast state were dissatisfied with the conditions of their residence and work on many issues. Revolution 1905-1907 embraced all classes of Russia. What exactly could unite people from different social groups and ages?

1. The peasants had almost no rights. Despite the fact that this group of the population made up the majority of the inhabitants of the Russian Empire (70%), they were begging and starving. This situation brought the agrarian question to the fore.
2. The supreme power did not seek to limit its powers and carry out a number of liberal reforms. At that time, ministers Svyatopolk-Mirskaya and Witte put forward their projects for consideration.
3. The issue of labor was also acute. Representatives of the working class complained that there was no one to take care of their interests. The state did not interfere in the relationship between the subordinate and the employer. Entrepreneurs often took advantage of this and created favorable working and payment conditions only for themselves. As a result, the revolution in Russia set itself the goal of solving this.
4. The dissatisfaction of the inhabitants of the empire, on whose territory there were 57% of non-Russian citizens, intensified due to the unresolved. Forced Russification did not take place as calmly as the authorities imagined.

As a result, a small spark instantly turned into a flame that engulfed the most remote corners of the empire. The betrayal by some high military officials also played a significant role. It was they who provided the revolutionaries with weapons and tactical recommendations and determined the outcome of the case, even before the start of popular unrest.

External Causes of the Revolution

The main external reason was the defeat of the empire in the Russo-Japanese War in 1904. Failures at the front gave rise to dissatisfaction with that part of the population that hoped for a successful outcome of hostilities - the soldiers and their relatives.

According to the unofficial version, Germany was very afraid of the growing power of Russia, so it sent spies who taunted the local population and spread rumors that the West would help everyone.

Bloody Sunday

The main event that shook the social foundations is considered to be a peaceful demonstration on Sunday, January 9, 1905. Later this Sunday will be called "bloody".

A peaceful demonstration of peasants and workers was led by a priest and active public figure Georgy Gapon. The protesters planned to arrange a personal meeting with Nicholas II. They were heading for the Winter. In total, about 150,000 people gathered in the center of the then capital. No one imagined that a revolution would begin in Russia.

Officers came out to meet the workers. They began to demand that the protesters stop. But the demonstrators did not listen. The officers began to fire their weapons to disperse the crowd. The military, who did not have guns, beat people with sabers and whips. That day, 130 people were killed and 299 wounded.

The king during all these events was not even in the city. He prudently left the palace with his family.

Society could not forgive the tsarist authorities for such a number of innocently killed citizens. Together with whom they managed to survive that Sunday, plans began to be prepared to overthrow the monarchy.

The words "Down with autocracy!" were heard everywhere. Revolution 1905-1907 became a reality. Skirmishes broke out in Russian cities and villages.

Uprising on the Potemkin

One of the turning points of the revolution was the mutiny on the largest Russian battleship, the Prince Potemkin Tauride. The uprising took place on June 14, 1905. The crew of the battleship consisted of 731 people. Among them were 26 officers. Crew members were in close contact with workers at shipyards. From them they adopted the idea of ​​strikes. But the team took decisive action only after they were served rotten meat for dinner.

This became the main starting point. During the strike, 6 officers were killed and the rest were taken into custody. The Potemkin team ate bread and water, standing under the red flag for 11 days on the high seas, after which they surrendered to the Romanian authorities. Their example was adopted on the George the Victorious, and later on the cruiser Ochakov.

climax

Of course, it was impossible to predict the outcome of the revolution of 1905-1907 at that time. But when a large-scale All-Russian strike took place in the fall of 1905, the emperor was forced to listen to the people. It was started by printers and supported by workers from other trade unions. The authorities issued a decree that from now on certain political freedoms were granted. The emperor also gave the green light to the creation of the State Duma.

The freedoms granted suited the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, who took part in the strikes. For them, the revolution was over at that time.

RSDLP

The revolution was just beginning for the radicals. In December of the same year, members of the RSDLP organize an uprising with weapons on the streets of Moscow. At this stage, the results of the revolution of 1905-1907. are supplemented by the published law on elections to the first State Duma.

Having achieved active actions from the authorities, referring them to the results of the revolution of 1905-1907, the representatives no longer wanted to stop. They were waiting for the results of the work of the State Duma.

Decline in activity

The period from 1906 to the first half of 1907 is characterized by relative calm. The State Duma, which mainly included the Cadets, set to work, becoming the main legislative body. In February 1907, a new one was created, consisting almost entirely of leftists. They were dissatisfied with it, and after only three months of work the Duma was dissolved.

Strikes also continued regionally, but the power of the monarch by that time had become much stronger.

The results of the revolution of 1905-1907

The first revolution ended with not so radical changes, which were sought by representatives of radical workers. The monarch remained in power.

Nevertheless, the main results of the Russian revolution of 1905-1907 can be called significant and fateful. They not only drew the line of the absolute power of the emperor, but also forced millions to pay attention to the appalling state of the economy, belated technological progress and the underdevelopment of the army of the Russian Empire compared to other states.

The results of the revolution of 1905-1907 can be briefly characterized by several points. Each of them has become a symbol of victory over the power of the empire. Nicholas II managed to keep power in his hands, actually losing control of the army and navy.

Summary results of the revolution 1905-1907: table

This is how you can briefly characterize the events of 1905-1907. and their consequences.

At the beginning of the twentieth century. sharply aggravated social and political contradictions in Russia, which led to the first revolution in its history of 1905-1907. Causes of the revolution: the indecision of the agrarian-peasant, labor and national issues, the autocratic system, complete political lack of rights and lack of democratic freedoms, the deterioration of the material situation of the workers due to the economic crisis of 1900-1903. and a shameful defeat for tsarism in the Russo-Japanese war of 1904-1905.

The tasks of the revolution are the overthrow of the autocracy and the establishment of a democratic system, the elimination of class inequality, the destruction of landlordism and the allocation of land to the peasants, the introduction of an 8-hour working day, and the achievement of equal rights for the peoples of Russia.

Workers and peasants, soldiers and sailors, and the intelligentsia took part in the revolution. Therefore, in terms of goals and composition of participants, it was nationwide and had a bourgeois-democratic character.

There are several stages in the history of the revolution.

The revolution was triggered by Bloody Sunday. On January 9, 1905, workers were shot in St. Petersburg who were going to the tsar with a petition containing a request to improve their financial situation and political demands. 1,200 people were killed and about 5,000 wounded. In response, the workers took up arms.

The first stage (January 9 - the end of September 1905) - the beginning and development of the revolution along an ascending line. The main events of this stage were: the spring-summer performance of workers in Moscow, Odessa, Warsaw, Baku (about 800 thousand people); the creation in Ivanovo-Voznesensk of a new body of workers' power - the Council of Authorized Deputies; uprising of sailors on the battleship "Prince Potemkin-Tavrichesky"; mass movement of peasants.

The second stage (October - December 1905) - the highest rise of the revolution. Main events: the general All-Russian October political strike (more than 2 million participants) and, as a result, the publication of the Manifesto on October 17 "On the improvement of the state order", in which the tsar promised to introduce some political freedoms and convene the State Duma; December strikes and uprisings in Moscow, Kharkov, Chita and other cities.

The government suppressed all armed uprisings. The bourgeois-liberal strata, frightened by the scope of the movement, abandoned the revolution and began to create their own political parties: the Constitutional Democratic Party (the Cadets), the Union of October 17 (the Octobrists).

The third stage (January 1906 - June 3, 1907) - the decline and retreat of the revolution. Main events: political strikes of workers; the new scope of the peasant movement; uprisings of sailors in Kronstadt and Sveaborg.

The center of gravity in the social movement has shifted to the polling stations and the State Duma.

The First State Duma, which was trying to radically solve the agrarian issue, was dissolved by the tsar 72 days after the opening, accusing it of "inciting unrest."

The II State Duma lasted 102 days. In June 1907 it was dissolved. The pretext for the dissolution was the accusation of the deputies of the Social Democratic faction of preparing a coup d'état.

Revolution 1905 - 1907 was defeated for a number of reasons - the army did not completely go over to the side of the revolution; there was no unity in the party of the working class; there was no alliance between the working class and the peasantry; the revolutionary forces were insufficiently experienced, organized and conscious.

Despite the defeat, the revolution of 1905-1907 was of great importance. The supreme power was forced to change the political system of Russia. The creation of the State Duma testified to the beginning of the development of parliamentarism. The socio-political situation of Russian citizens has changed:

Democratic freedoms were introduced, trade unions and legal political parties were allowed;

The material situation of workers has improved: wages have increased and a 10-hour working day has been introduced;

The peasants achieved the abolition of redemption payments.

The internal political situation in Russia has temporarily stabilized.