The reason for the revolution was the growing contradictions in Russian society, expressed in the influence of internal (unresolved agrarian issue, the deterioration of the position of the proletariat, the crisis in relations between the center and the provinces, the crisis of the form of government (“crisis of the tops”) and external factors.
Internal factors
Unresolved agrarian question
The agrarian issue is a complex of socio-economic and political problems related to the prospects for the development of the agrarian sector of the country's economy, one of the most pressing issues of public life in Russia. Its unresolved nature, combined with other internal and external problems, eventually led to the revolution of 1905-1907. The origins of the agrarian question lay in the nature of the Agrarian Reform of 1861, which was clearly unfinished. By giving personal freedom to the peasants, it did not solve the problem of peasant land shortage, did not eliminate the negative features of communal land ownership and mutual responsibility. The redemption payments were a heavy burden on the peasant class. Tax arrears grew catastrophically, since under S.Yu. Witte, the taxation of the rural population became one of the sources for ensuring the ongoing industrialization. More and more clearly revealed the peasant lack of land, aggravated in connection with the population explosion in the country: during the 1870-1890s. the peasant population of the Volga and some black earth provinces doubled, which led to the fragmentation of allotments. In the southern provinces (Poltava and Kharkov), the problem of land shortage led to mass peasant uprisings in 1902.
The local nobility also slowly adapted to the new conditions. Most of the small and medium-sized owners were rapidly losing land, remortgaging their holdings. The economy was conducted in the old fashioned way, the lands were simply rented out to the peasants for working off, which could not bring high profits. The income received by the landowners from the state when the peasants left serfdom was "eaten up" and did not contribute to the development of landlord farms on a capitalist basis. The nobility bombarded Emperor Nicholas II with requests for state support in connection with the unprofitability of estates and the high cost of credit.
At the same time, new phenomena were observed in the agricultural sector. Agriculture increasingly took on a commercial, entrepreneurial character. The production of products for sale developed, the number of hired workers increased, and farming techniques improved. Large-scale capitalist economies with an area of hundreds and thousands of acres, with the involvement of hired labor and a large number of agricultural machines, are increasingly beginning to dominate among the landlord farms. Such landed estates were the main suppliers of grain and industrial crops.
Peasant farms had a much lower marketability (production for sale). They were the supplier of only half of the market volume of bread. Prosperous families were the main producer of marketable bread among the peasants, who, according to various sources, made up from 3 to 15% of the peasant population. In fact, only they managed to adapt to the conditions of capitalist production, rent or buy land from the landowners and keep a few hired workers. Only wealthy owners specifically produced products for the market; for the vast majority of peasants, the sale of bread was forced - to pay taxes and redemption payments. However, the development of strong peasant farms also rested on the shortage of allotments.
The underdevelopment of the agricultural sector, the low purchasing power of the overwhelming majority of the country's population hampered the development of the entire economy (the narrowness of the domestic market by the end of the 19th century made itself felt by sales crises).
The government was well aware of the causes of the agrarian crisis, and sought to find ways out of it. Even under Emperor Alexander III, a commission was formed under the Ministry of Internal Affairs to consider "regulating peasant social life and management." Among the pressing issues, the commission recognized resettlement and passport legislation. As for the fate of the community and mutual responsibility, there were disagreements in the government on this issue. There are three main positions:
1) The official point of view was expressed by V.K. Plehve and K.P. Pobedonostsev, who considered them "the main and most important means of collecting all arrears." The advocates of preserving the commune also saw this as a means of saving the Russian peasantry from proletarianization and Russia from revolution.
2) Minister of Finance N.Kh. Bunge and Minister of the Imperial Court and Destinies Count I. I. Vorontsov-Dashkov. They stood for the introduction of household land tenure in Russia with the establishment of a land minimum and the organization of the resettlement of peasants to new lands.
3) S.Yu., who entered the post of Minister of Finance in 1892 Witte advocated passport reform and the abolition of mutual responsibility, but for the preservation of the community. Subsequently, on the threshold of the revolution, he changed his point of view, in fact agreeing with Bunge.
Peasant uprisings of 1902 in the Poltava and Kharkov provinces, the rise of peasant uprisings in 1903-04. accelerated work in this direction: in April 1902, mutual responsibility was canceled, and with the appointment of V.K. Plehve, the Minister of the Interior, Nicholas II, transferred to his department the right to develop peasant legislation. Reform V.K. Plehve, pursuing other goals, touched upon the same areas as the later Agrarian Reform of P. A. Stolypin:
It was planned to expand the activities of the Peasants' Bank for the purchase and resale of landowners' lands.
Establish a resettlement policy.
The fundamental difference from the Stolypin reforms was that the reform was based on the principles of class isolation of the peasantry, the inalienability of allotment lands and the preservation of existing forms of peasant land ownership. They were an attempt to harmonize the legislation developed after the reform of 1861 with the social evolution of the countryside. Attempts to preserve the basic principles of the agrarian policy of the 1880-1890s. gave Plehve's project a profoundly contradictory character. This was also manifested in the assessment of communal land tenure. It was the community that was seen as an institution capable of protecting the interests of the poorest peasantry. At that time, no stake was placed on the wealthiest members of the community (kulaks). But a more perfect form of farming, which had a great future, was recognized as a farm. In accordance with this, the project provided for the removal of certain restrictions that prevented people from leaving the community. However, in reality, this was extremely difficult to implement.
The work of the Plehve Commission became an expression of the official point of view on the peasant question. It can be stated that the proposed transformations did not deviate from the traditional policy, which was based on three principles: the estate system, the inalienability of allotments, the inviolability of the community. These measures were enshrined in the tsar's Manifesto "On the Immutability of Communal Land Ownership" in 1903. Such a policy did not suit the peasants, since it did not solve any of the pressing problems. Changes in agricultural legislation during the 1890s little has changed in the position of the peasants. Only a few were singled out from the community. The resettlement administration, created in 1896, practically did not work. The crop failures of the early 20th century only increased the tension in the countryside. The result was an increase in peasant uprisings in 1903-1904. The main problems to be immediately resolved were the question of the existence of a peasant land community, the elimination of striped land and peasant land shortages, as well as the question of the social status of the peasants.
Deterioration of the position of the proletariat
The "working question" - in the classical sense - is a conflict between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, caused by various economic demands on the part of the working class in the area of improving their socio-economic situation.
In Russia, the labor issue was particularly acute, as it was complicated by a special government policy aimed at state regulation of relations between workers and entrepreneurs. Bourgeois reforms of the 1860s and 70s little impact on the working class. This was a consequence of the fact that the formation of capitalist relations was still taking place in the country, the formation of the main capitalist classes had not been completed. The government also until the beginning of the 20th century refused to recognize the existence in Russia of a "special class of workers" and even more so the "labor question" in the Western European sense of it. This point of view found its justification in the 1980s. XIX century in the articles of M. N. Katkov on the pages of the Moscow Gazette, and since then has become an integral part of the general political doctrine.
However, the large-scale strikes of the 1880s, especially the Morozov strike, showed that simply ignoring the labor movement would not improve the situation. The situation was aggravated by the different points of view of the leaders of the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Internal Affairs on the government line in resolving the "working issue".
By the end of the 1890s. Minister of Finance S.Yu. Witte departs from the idea of the government's patronage policy as part of the government's doctrine, built on the principle of a special, original evolution of Russia. With the direct participation of Witte, laws were developed and adopted: on the regulation of the working day (June 1897, according to which the maximum working day was 11.5 hours), on the payment of remuneration to workers in case of accidents (June 1903, but the law did not address issues pensions and redundancies). Also introduced the institution of factory elders, whose competence included participation in the proceedings of labor conflicts). At the same time, a policy aimed at strengthening religious-monarchist sentiments among the working environment became more active. The Ministry of Finance did not even want to think about creating trade unions or other workers' associations.
In the Ministry of the Interior, on the contrary, they are embarking on a risky experiment in the creation of government-controlled workers' organizations. The spontaneous desire of the workers to unite, the ever wider response to the activities of the revolutionaries, and, finally, the more frequent open political actions forced the authorities to switch to a new tactic: “police socialism”. The essence of this policy, which was carried out in a number of countries of Western Europe in the 1890s, was reduced to attempts to create, with the knowledge and under the control of the government, legal pro-government workers' organizations. The initiator of Russian "police socialism" was the head of the Moscow security department S. V. Zubatov.
Zubatov's idea was to force the government to pay attention to the "working question" and the position of the working class. He did not support the proposal of the Minister of the Interior D.S. Sipyagin "turn factories into barracks" and thereby restore order. It was necessary to become the head of the labor movement and thus determine its forms, character and direction. However, in reality, the implementation of the Zubatov plan ran into active resistance from entrepreneurs who did not want to obey the demands of any workers' associations, even those controlled by the government. The new Minister of Internal Affairs V.K. Plehve, who held this post in 1902-1904, stopped the Zubatov experiment.
As an exception, the activities of the "Society of Factory Workers" of the priest G. Gapon, who had minimal dependence on the authorities and was an example of "Christian" rather than "police" socialism, were allowed. As a result, traditional repressive measures turned out to be more habitual for the authorities in their struggle with the labor movement. All factory laws adopted in the late 19th and early 20th centuries provided for criminal liability for participation in strikes, threats against the factory administration, and even for unauthorized refusal to work. In 1899 a special factory police was established. Increasingly, combat units and Cossacks were called in to suppress workers' uprisings. In May 1899, even artillery was used to suppress the 10,000th strike of the workers of the largest enterprises in Riga.
The attempts of the regime in this way to slow down the natural course of development of new beginnings in the economy and society did not lead to significant results. The authorities did not see the impending explosion in the growth of workers' protests. Even on the eve of the revolution, paying attention to the changes taking place in the working environment, the ruling circles did not count on the “collapse” that could undermine the established foundations. In 1901, the chief of the gendarmes, the future Minister of the Interior, P.D. Svyatopolk-Mirsky wrote about St. Petersburg workers that “in the last three or four years, a good-natured Russian guy has developed into a type of semi-literate intellectual who considers it his duty to deny religion ... to neglect the law, disobey the authorities and mock her.” At the same time, he noted that "there are few rebels in the factories", and it will not be difficult to deal with them.
As a result, by the beginning of the 20th century, the “working issue” in Russia had not lost any of its urgency: no law on workers’ insurance was adopted, the working day was also reduced to only 11.5 hours, and the activities of trade unions were banned. Most importantly, after the failure of the Zubatov initiative, the government did not develop any acceptable program for the organization of labor legislation, and the armed suppression of workers' uprisings threatened to turn into mass disobedience. The economic crisis of 1900-1903 had a noticeable effect on the aggravation of the situation, when the situation of workers deteriorated sharply (reduction of wages, closing of enterprises). The decisive blow, that "last straw" was the execution of a workers' demonstration organized by the "Society of Factory Workers" on January 9, 1905, called "Bloody Sunday".
Crisis in relations between the center and the province
The national question is one of the main socio-political contradictions in the Russian Empire at the beginning of the 20th century.
The dominance of the Russian people and the Orthodox faith in the Russian Empire was legally fixed, which infringed on the rights of other peoples inhabiting the country. Small indulgences in this matter were made only for the population of Finland and Poland, but they were significantly curtailed during the reactionary Russification policy of Emperor Alexander III. At the turn of the 19th - 20th centuries in Russia, the equalization of all nationalities in rights, education in their native language, and freedom of religion became the general requirements of the peoples inhabiting it. For some peoples, the land issue turned out to be extremely relevant, while it was either about protecting their lands from “Russian” colonization (Volga and Siberian, Central Asian, Caucasian provinces), or about the struggle against landlords, which was acquiring an interethnic character (Baltic and western provinces). In Finland and Poland, the slogan of territorial autonomy was widely supported, often backed by the idea of complete state independence. The growth of discontent on the outskirts was fueled both by the government's tough national policy, in particular, restrictions on Poles, Finns, Armenians and some other peoples, and by the economic turmoil that Russia experienced in the early years of the 20th century.
All this contributed to the awakening and assertion of national identity. By the beginning of the 20th century, Russian ethnic groups were an extremely heterogeneous mass. Ethnic communities with a tribal organization (the peoples of Central Asia and the Far East) and peoples with modern experience of state-political consolidation coexisted in it. Even at the beginning of the 20th century, the level of ethnic self-consciousness of the majority of the peoples of the empire was very low, almost all of them were self-identified according to religious, clan or local characteristics. All this together led to the emergence of movements for national autonomy and even state independence. S.Yu. Witte, analyzing the “revolutionary flood” in Russia in 1905-07, wrote: “In the Russian Empire, such a flood is the most possible, since more than 35% of the population is not Russian, but conquered by Russians. Anyone who knows history knows how difficult it is to solder heterogeneous populations into one whole, especially with the strong development of national principles and feelings in the 20th century.
In the pre-revolutionary years, ethno-national conflicts made themselves felt more and more often. So, in the Arkhangelsk and Pskov provinces, skirmishes between peasants over land became more frequent. Tensions arose between the local peasants and the barony in the Baltics. In Lithuania, the confrontation between Lithuanians, Poles and Russians was growing. In multinational Baku, conflicts between Armenians and Azerbaijanis constantly flared up. These tendencies, with which the authorities more and more often could no longer cope with administrative-police and political methods, became a threat to the integrity of the country. Separate concessions by the authorities (such as the decree of December 12, 1904, which lifted some of the restrictions that existed for the peoples in the field of language, school, religion) did not achieve their goal. With the deepening of the political crisis and the weakening of power, all the processes of the formation and development of ethnic self-consciousness received a powerful impetus and came into a chaotic movement.
The national parties that arose in the last third of the 19th and early 20th centuries became political spokesmen for ethnic and national movements on the outskirts of the empire. These political organizations relied on the ideas of national and cultural revival and development of their own peoples as a necessary condition for the future state reorganization of Russia. Under the influence of the ideas of Marxism and liberalism, two ideologically different streams began to gain strength here: socialist and national-liberal. Almost all parties of a liberal persuasion were formed from cultural and educational societies, most of the parties of a socialist orientation - from the carefully secretive illegal circles and groups that had arisen earlier. If the socialist movement developed most often under the slogans of internationalism, the class struggle that united representatives of all the peoples of the empire, then for each of the national-liberal movements, the issues of national self-affirmation of their own people became a priority. The largest national parties were formed at the end of the 19th century in Poland, Finland, Ukraine, the Baltic states and Transcaucasia.
At the beginning of the 20th century, the most influential social democratic organizations were the Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania, the Social Democratic Party of Finland, the General Jewish Workers' Union in Lithuania, Poland and Russia (Bund), established in Vilna. Of the nationalist parties, one should first of all single out the Polish National Democratic Party, the Active Resistance Party of Finland, the Ukrainian People's Party and the Armenian Dashnaktsutyun, the most significant national party that has developed in Transcaucasia. All these parties, to varying degrees, took part in the revolution of 1905-1907, and then in the activities of the State Duma. Thus, members of the Polish National Democratic Party actually formed their own faction in the Duma - the Polish Kolo. There were also national groups of Muslim deputies in the Duma, from Lithuania, Latvia, Ukraine, etc. The deputies from these groups were called "autonomists", and their number in the Duma of the first convocation was 63 people, and the second - even 76.
Crisis of the form of government ("crisis of the tops")
The “crisis of the upper classes” at the beginning of the 20th century is the crisis of the autocratic form of government in Russia.
In the middle of the 19th century, the process of establishing a constitutional-monarchical form of government was actually completed in Western European countries. The Russian autocracy, on the other hand, categorically rejected any attempts to introduce public representation in the highest state structures. All projects, including those drawn up in government circles, which suggested the introduction of such representation, were eventually rejected. During the reign of Emperor Alexander III, all attempts to somehow Europeanize the autocratic regime were resolutely suppressed, and the activities of populist terrorists played a significant role here. Mid 1890s was marked by the revival and consolidation of both the liberal zemstvo and the radical left movement. However, the new emperor immediately made it clear that he was not going to change anything. Therefore, when he ascended the throne, speaking before a deputation from the nobility, zemstvos and cities on January 17, 1895, Nicholas II called "meaningless dreams" the hopes of zemstvo figures to participate in matters of internal government, making a heavy impression on the audience. With regard to oppositionists from the upper classes, the authorities also showed firmness: resignations and administrative expulsions began. And yet the position of the liberals could not be ignored by the ruling structures. Some researchers believe that Nicholas II himself, already at the beginning of his reign, understood the need for some political reform of the country, but by no means by introducing parliamentarism, but by expanding the competence of zemstvos.
In the ruling circles themselves, different points of view on the state of the country and the tasks of state policy were revealed: Minister of Finance S.Yu. Witte believed that the social movement in Russia had reached a level at which it was no longer possible to stop it by repressive methods. He saw the roots of this in the incompleteness of the liberal democratic reforms of the 1860s and 70s. It was possible to avoid the revolution by introducing a number of democratic freedoms, allowing participation in government "legally". At the same time, the government needed to rely on the “educated” classes. Minister of Internal Affairs V.K. Plehve, who took his post at the beginning of the terrorist activities of the pariah of the Socialist-Revolutionaries, saw the source of the revolution precisely in the “educated” classes - in the intelligentsia, and believed that “any game of the constitution should be suppressed, and reforms designed to renew Russia can only be historically the autocracy that has taken shape in our country."
This official position of Plehve greatly impressed Nicholas II, as a result of which, in August 1903, the all-powerful Minister of Finance Witte was removed from his post and received a less significant post of Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers (in fact, an honorary resignation). The emperor made a choice in favor of conservative tendencies, and tried to overcome the socio-political crisis with the help of a successful foreign policy - by unleashing a "small victorious war." Russo-Japanese War 1904-1905 pointed out the need for change. According to P.B. Struve, "it was precisely the military helplessness of the autocracy that most clearly confirmed its uselessness and harmfulness."
External factors
The Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905 is a war between Russia and Japan for dominance in Northeast China and Korea (see the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905 diagram and the Russo-Japanese War historical map). At the end of XIX - beginning of XX century. the contradictions between the leading powers, which by this time had mostly completed the territorial division of the world, escalated. The presence in the international arena of "new", rapidly developing countries - Germany, Japan, the United States, which purposefully sought to redistribute colonies and spheres of influence, became more and more tangible. The autocracy took an active part in the struggle of the great powers for colonies and spheres of influence. In the Middle East, in Turkey, he increasingly had to deal with Germany, which had chosen this region as a zone of its economic expansion. In Persia, the interests of Russia clashed with the interests of England.
The most important object of the struggle for the final division of the world at the end of the XIX century. China was economically backward and militarily weak. It is to the Far East since the mid-1990s that the center of gravity of the autocracy's foreign policy activity has shifted. The close interest of the tsarist government in the affairs of this region was largely due to the "appearance" here by the end of the 19th century. a strong and very aggressive neighbor in the face of Japan, which has embarked on the path of expansion. After as a result of victory in the war with China in 1894-1895. Japan, under a peace treaty, acquired the Liaodong Peninsula, Russia, acting as a united front with France and Germany, forced Japan to abandon this part of Chinese territory.
In 1896, a Russian-Chinese treaty on a defensive alliance against Japan was concluded. China granted Russia a concession for the construction of a railway from Chita to Vladivostok through Manchuria (Northeast China). The Russian-Chinese Bank received the right to build and operate the road. The course towards the "peaceful" economic conquest of Manchuria was carried out in accordance with the line of S.Yu. Witte (it was he who largely determined the policy of the autocracy in the Far East at that time) to seize foreign markets for the developing domestic industry. Russian diplomacy also achieved great success in Korea. Japan, having established its influence in this country after the war with China, was forced in 1896 to agree to the establishment of a joint Russian-Japanese protectorate over Korea with the actual predominance of Russia. The victories of Russian diplomacy in the Far East caused growing irritation in Japan, Britain and the United States.
Soon, however, the situation in this region began to change. Pushed by Germany and following its example, Russia seized Port Arthur and in 1898 leased it from China, along with some parts of the Liaodong Peninsula, to set up a naval base. S.Yu. Witte's attempts to prevent this action, which he considered as contrary to the spirit of the Russian-Chinese treaty of 1896, were not crowned with success. The capture of Port Arthur undermined the influence of Russian diplomacy in Beijing and weakened Russia's position in the Far East, forcing, in particular, the tsarist government to make concessions to Japan on the Korean issue. The Russian-Japanese agreement of 1898 actually sanctioned the seizure of Korea by Japanese capital.
In 1899, a powerful popular uprising ("Boxer Rebellion") began in China, directed against foreigners shamelessly managing the state, Russia, together with other powers, took part in suppressing this movement and occupied Manchuria during military operations. Russo-Japanese contradictions escalated again. Supported by Britain and the United States, Japan sought to oust Russia from Manchuria. In 1902, an Anglo-Japanese alliance was concluded. Under these conditions, Russia entered into an agreement with China and undertook to withdraw troops from Manchuria within a year and a half. Meanwhile, a very belligerent Japan led the matter to an aggravation of the conflict with Russia. In the ruling circles of Russia there was no unity on the issues of the Far East policy. S.Yu. Witte with his program of economic expansion (which, however, still pushed Russia against Japan) was opposed by the "bezobrazovskaya gang" headed by A.M. Bezobrazov, who advocated direct military seizures. The views of this group were shared by Nicholas II, who dismissed S.Yu. Witte from the post of Minister of Finance. "Bezobrazovtsy" underestimated the strength of Japan. Part of the ruling circles considered success in the war with the Far Eastern neighbor as the most important means of overcoming the internal political crisis. Japan, for its part, was actively preparing for an armed clash with Russia. True, in the summer of 1903 Russo-Japanese negotiations began on Manchuria and Korea, but the Japanese war machine, which had secured the direct support of the United States and Britain, had already been launched. The situation was complicated by the fact that in Russia the ruling circles hoped that a successful military campaign would eliminate the growing internal political crisis. Minister of the Interior Plehve, in response to the statement of the commander-in-chief, General Kuropatkin, that “we are not ready for war,” replied: “You do not know the internal situation in Russia. To prevent a revolution, we need a small, victorious war." On January 24, 1904, the Japanese ambassador presented the Russian Foreign Minister V.N. Lamzdorf with a note about the break in diplomatic relations, and on the evening of January 26, the Japanese fleet attacked the Port Arthur squadron without declaring war. Thus began the Russo-Japanese War.
Table. Russo-Japanese War 1904-1905
| date | Event |
| January 26-27, 1904 | Attack by Japanese ships of the Russian Pacific squadron in Port Arthur and Chemulpo Bay. |
| February 2, 1904 | Japanese troops begin landing in Korea, preparing to carry out an operation against the Russian Manchurian army. |
| February 24, 1904 | Instead of Vice Admiral O. V. Stark, Vice Admiral S. O. Makarov was appointed commander of the Pacific Squadron, under which the combat activity of the Russian fleet is activated. |
| March 31, 1904 | During the combat operation, the flagship of the Russian squadron, the battleship Petropavlovsk, is blown up by a mine and dies, commander S. O. Makarov is among the dead. |
| April 18, 1904 | The battle on the Yalu River (Korea), during which the Russian troops failed to stop the Japanese advance into Manchuria. |
| June 1, 1904 | Battle of Wafangou (Liaodong Peninsula). The corps of General Stackelberg, who was trying to break through to Port Arthur, retreated under the onslaught of superior Japanese units. This allowed General Oku's 2nd Japanese Army to begin the siege of Port Arthur. |
| July 28, 1904 | An attempt by the Russian squadron to break through from the besieged Port Arthur to Vladivostok. After the battle with the Japanese ships, most of the ships returned, a few ships went to neutral ports. |
| August 6, 1904 | The first assault on Port Arthur (unsuccessful). Japanese losses amounted to 20 thousand people. In September-October, Japanese troops launched two more assaults, but they also ended without significant results. |
| August 1904 | In the Baltic, the formation of the 2nd Pacific squadron begins, the task of which was to release Port Arthur from the sea. The squadron set out on a campaign only in October 1904. |
| August 13, 1904 | Battle of Liaoyang (Manchuria). Russian troops retreated to Mukden after several days of fighting. |
| September 22, 1904 | Battle on the Shahe River (Manchuria). During the unsuccessful offensive, the Russian army lost up to 50% of its composition and went on the defensive along the entire front. |
| November 13, 1904 | Fourth assault on Port Arthur; The Japanese succeeded in penetrating deeply into the line of defense of the fortress and gradually suppressed the fortifications with fire from the dominating heights. |
| December 20, 1904 | The act of capitulation of Port Arthur was signed. |
| February 5-25, 1905 | Battle of Mukden (Korea). The largest military operation in the entire war, in which up to 500 thousand people participated on both sides. After three weeks of fighting, the Russian troops were under the threat of encirclement and were forced to leave their positions. Manchuria almost completely came under the control of the Japanese army. |
| May 14-15, 1905 | Tsushima battle. The 2nd Pacific Squadron, during the battle with the Japanese fleet, was partly destroyed and partly captured (Admiral Nebogatov's detachment). The battle summed up the military operations in the Russo-Japanese War. |
| August 23, 1905 | Peace of Portsmouth signed. |
A heavy blow for Russia was the death of the commander of the Pacific squadron, the outstanding naval commander S.O. Makarov. The Japanese managed to gain dominance at sea and, having landed large forces on the continent, launched an offensive against Russian troops in Manchuria and Port Arthur. General A.N. Kuropatkin, who commanded the Manchurian army, acted extremely indecisively. The bloody battle near Liaoyang, during which the Japanese suffered huge losses, was not used by them to go on the offensive (which the enemy was extremely afraid of) and ended with the withdrawal of Russian troops. In July 1904, the Japanese laid siege to Port Arthur (see the historical map "Storm of Port Arthur in 1904"). The defense of the fortress, which lasted five months, became one of the brightest pages of Russian military history.
Defense of Port Arthur
The hero of the Port Arthur epic was General R.I. Kondratenko, who died at the end of the siege. The capture of Port Arthur cost the Japanese dearly, who lost more than 100 thousand people under its walls. At the same time, having taken the fortress, the enemy was able to strengthen his troops operating in Manchuria. The squadron stationed in Port Arthur was actually destroyed in the summer of 1904 during unsuccessful attempts to break through to Vladivostok.
In February 1905, the Battle of Mukden took place, played out on a more than 100-kilometer front and lasting three weeks. On both sides, over 550 thousand people participated in it with 2500 guns. In the battles near Mukden, the Russian army suffered a heavy defeat. After that, the war on land began to subside. The number of Russian troops in Manchuria was constantly increasing, but the morale of the army was undermined, which was greatly facilitated by the revolution that had begun in the country. The Japanese, who suffered huge losses, were also not active.
On May 14-15, 1905, in the Battle of Tsushima, the Japanese fleet destroyed the Russian squadron, transferred to the Far East from the Baltic. The Battle of Tsushima decided the outcome of the war. The autocracy, busy suppressing the revolutionary movement, could no longer continue the struggle. Japan was also extremely exhausted by the war. On July 27, 1905, in Portsmouth (USA), with the mediation of the Americans, peace negotiations began. The Russian delegation headed by S.Yu. Witte, managed to achieve relatively "decent" peace conditions. Under the terms of the Portsmouth Peace Treaty, Russia ceded to Japan the southern part of Sakhalin, its lease rights to the Liaodong Peninsula and the South Manchurian Railway, which connected Port Arthur with the Chinese Eastern Railway.
The Russo-Japanese War ended with the defeat of the autocracy. Patriotic sentiments at the beginning of the war swept over all categories of the population, but soon the situation in the country began to change as reports of Russia's military failures came in. Each defeat turned into a new and new round of political crisis. Trust in the government plummeted. After each lost battle, rumors about unprofessionalism and even betrayal of the highest command staff, about unpreparedness for war, grew more and more in society. By the summer of 1904, the fervor of patriotic fever had given way to deep disappointment, a growing conviction of the failure of the authorities. According to P.B. Struve, "it was precisely the military helplessness of the autocracy that most clearly confirmed its uselessness and harmfulness." If at the beginning of the war there was a noticeable reduction in peasant uprisings and workers' strikes, then by the autumn of 1904 they were gaining momentum again. The "small victorious war" turned into a shameful Peace of Portsmouth, a significant deterioration in the economic situation in the country, and also a catalyst for the revolution of 1905-1907. During 1905-1907. several major anti-government demonstrations took place in the army and navy, largely predetermined by an unsuccessful military campaign.
By its nature, the revolution of 1905-1907. in Russia it was bourgeois-democratic, because it set the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic transformation of the country: the overthrow of the autocracy and the establishment of a democratic republic, the elimination of the estate system and landownership, the introduction of basic democratic freedoms - primarily freedom of conscience, speech, press, assembly, equality of all before by law, the establishment of an 8-hour working day for employees, the removal of national restrictions (see the diagram "The Revolution of 1905-1907. Nature and goals").
The main issue of the revolution was the agrarian-peasant. The peasantry accounted for more than 4/5 of the population of Russia, and the agrarian question, in connection with the deepening of peasant land shortages, acquired by the beginning of the 20th century. special poignancy. The national question also occupied an important place in the revolution. 57% of the country's population were non-Russian peoples. However, in essence, the national question was part of the agrarian-peasant one, for the peasantry constituted the overwhelming majority of the non-Russian population in the country. The agrarian-peasant question was at the center of attention of all political parties and groupings.
The driving forces of the revolution were the petty-bourgeois sections of the city and countryside, as well as the political parties that represented them. It was a popular revolution. Peasants, workers, and the petty bourgeoisie of town and country made up a single revolutionary camp. The camp opposing him was represented by the landowners and the big bourgeoisie associated with the autocratic monarchy, the highest bureaucratic bureaucracy, the military and clerics from among the top clergy. The liberal opposition camp was represented mainly by the middle bourgeoisie and the bourgeois intelligentsia, who advocated the bourgeois transformation of the country by peaceful means, mainly by the methods of parliamentary struggle.
In the revolution of 1905-1907. distinguish several stages.
Table. Chronology of the events of the Russian revolution 1905 - 1907.
| date | Event |
| January 3, 1905 | The beginning of the strike of the workers of the Putilov factory in St. Petersburg. To appease factory workers on strike by the Society, a peaceful procession is being prepared to the tsar to file a petition about the needs of the workers. |
| January 9, 1905 | "Bloody Sunday" - the execution of a workers' demonstration in St. Petersburg. The beginning of the revolution. |
| January-April 1905 | The growth of the strike movement, the number of strikers in Russia reached 800 thousand people. |
| February 18, 1905 | A rescript of Nicholas II is issued addressed to the Minister of the Interior A.G. Bulygin with an order to develop a law on the creation of an elected representative institution (Duma). |
| May 12, 1905 | The beginning of a general strike in Ivanovo-Voznesensk, during which the first council of workers' representatives was created. |
| May 1905 | Formation of the All-Russian Peasants' Union. The first congress was held July 31 - August 1. |
| June 14, 1905 | Uprising on the battleship "Potemkin" and the beginning of a general strike in Odessa. |
| October 1905 | The beginning of the All-Russian political strike, within a month the strike movement swept Moscow, St. Petersburg and other industrial centers of the empire. |
| October 17, 1905 | Nicholas II signed the Manifesto on granting the population "the unshakable foundations of civil freedom." The manifesto served as an impetus for the formation of two influential bourgeois parties - the Cadets and the Octobrists. |
| November 3, 1905 | Under the influence of peasant uprisings, a manifesto was signed on the reduction of redemption payments and their complete abolition from 01/01/1907 |
| November 11-16, 1905 | The uprising in the Black Sea Fleet under the leadership of Lieutenant P.P. Schmidt |
| December 2, 1905 | The beginning of an armed uprising in Moscow - the performance of the 2nd Grenadier Regiment. The uprising was supported by a general strike of workers. The most fierce fighting took place in the Presnya region, where the resistance of armed vigilante workers to government troops continued until December 19. |
| December 11, 1905 | A new electoral law for the State Duma, developed by S.Yu. Witte |
| February 20, 1906 | Published "Institution of the State Duma", which determined the rules of its work. |
| April 1906 | In Sweden, the Fourth (Unity) Congress of the RSDLP began its work, in which representatives of 62 organizations of the RSDLP take part; of them 46 Bolsheviks, 62 Mensheviks (04/23/05/08/1906). |
| April 1906 | Elections to the First State Duma were held |
| April 23, 1906 | Emperor Nicholas II approved the Basic State Law of the Russian Empire |
| April 27, 1906 | Start of work of the State Duma of the first convocation |
| July 9, 1906 | Dissolution of the State Duma |
| July 1906 | The uprising in the fortress of Sveaborg, supported by the fleet. Suppressed by government forces three days later. The organizers were shot. |
| August 12, 1906 | Explosion by the Socialist-Revolutionaries of the dacha of Prime Minister P. Stolypin on Aptekarsky Island; 30 killed, 40 wounded, including Stolypin's daughter. |
| August 19, 1906 | Nicholas II signed a decree developed by Prime Minister P. Stolypin on the introduction of courts-martial in Russia (abolished in March 1907) |
| November 9, 1906 | On the initiative of P. Stolypin, Nicholas II issued a decree regulating the procedure for the exit of peasants from the community and securing allotment land in personal ownership. |
| January 1907 | Strikes in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Kyiv, Rostov and other cities in connection with the 2nd anniversary of "Bloody Sunday" |
| May 1, 1907 | May Day strikes in Kyiv, Poltava, Kharkov. Execution of a workers' demonstration in Yuzovka |
| May 10, 1907 | Speech by Prime Minister P. Stolypin at a meeting of the II State Duma "Give Russia peace!" |
| June 2, 1907 | The police arrested members of the Social Democratic faction in the State Duma on charges of plotting a military conspiracy. |
| June 3, 1907 | The manifesto of Nicholas II on the dissolution of the II State Duma, elected at the end of 1906, was published. The new electoral law, promulgated simultaneously with the manifesto, gave an advantage in the new elections to representatives of the nobility and the big bourgeoisie |
The first is the mass movement in the spring and summer of 1905.(See the scheme "Revolution of 1905-1907, 1st stage"). The revolutionary movement during this period was manifested in the unprecedented growth of the strike movement of workers with a predominance of political demands and took on an increasingly organized character (see the article "The Revolution of 1905 in Russia" in the anthology). By the summer of 1905, the social base of the revolution had also expanded: broad masses of the peasantry, as well as the army and navy, were included in it. In January-April 1905, the strike movement embraced 810,000 workers. Up to 75% of the strikes were political in nature. Under the pressure of this movement, the government was forced to make some political concessions. On February 18, the tsar's rescript addressed to the Minister of the Interior A.G. Bulygin was ordered to start drafting a law on the creation of an elected representative institution. A draft of the creation of the State Duma was prepared. This "Bulygin Duma", as it was called, caused an active boycott on the part of the workers, peasants, intelligentsia, all left parties and associations. The boycott thwarted the government's attempt to convene it.
The revolutionary uprisings intensified. In connection with the celebration of May 1, a new wave of strikes broke out, in which up to 200,000 workers took part. In the large textile center of Poland, Lodz, an uprising of workers broke out, and the city was covered with barricades. On May 1, there was a shooting down of a demonstration in Warsaw: dozens of demonstrators were killed and wounded. Clashes between workers and troops during demonstrations on May 1 took place in Riga and Reval.
An important event was the general strike of workers that began on May 12 in the large textile center of the country - Ivanovo-Voznesensk, which lasted 72 days. Under its influence, the workers of the nearest textile cities and towns rose up. During the Ivanovo-Voznesensk strike, the Council of Workers' Deputies was elected. Under the influence of the growth of the strike struggle of the workers, the countryside also began to move. Already in February-March, peasant riots swept 1/6 of the counties of the country - in the provinces of the Black Earth Center, Poland, the Baltic states and Georgia. In summer, they spread to the Middle Volga region, Ukraine and Belarus. In May 1905, the All-Russian Peasant Union was formed, in which the Right Socialist-Revolutionaries, headed by V. M. Chernov, played a leading role.
On June 14, an uprising broke out on the battleship Prince Potemkin-Tavrichesky. The sailors took possession of the ship, elected a new command staff and a ship commission - an organ of the political leadership of the uprising. On the same day, the rebellious battleship and the destroyer accompanying it approached Odessa, where at that time a general strike of workers began. But the ship's commission did not dare to land troops in the city, waiting for the rest of the ships of the Black Sea squadron to join the uprising. However, only one battleship "George the Victorious" joined. After 11 days of the raid, having exhausted its fuel and food supplies, the Potemkin arrived at the Romanian port of Constanta and surrendered to the local authorities. Subsequently, the Potemkin, along with its crew, was handed over to the Russian authorities.
The second stage - October-December 1905(See the scheme "The Revolution of 1905-1907 in Russia. Stage 2"). In the autumn of 1905 the center of the revolution moved to Moscow. The All-Russian October political strike that began in Moscow, and then the armed uprising in December 1905, were the highest upsurge of the revolution. On October 7, the railway workers of Moscow went on strike (with the exception of the Nikolaev railway), and after them, the workers of most of the country's railways. On October 10, a city-wide strike of workers began in Moscow.
Under the influence of the October strike, the autocracy was forced to make new concessions. On October 17, Nicholas II signed the Manifesto "on the improvement of the state order" on the basis of real inviolability of the person, freedom of conscience, speech, assembly, unions, on granting legislative rights to the new State Duma, and it was indicated that no law can take effect without the approval of it by the Duma.
The promulgation of the Manifesto on October 17, 1905 aroused the jubilation of liberal-bourgeois circles, who believed that all conditions had been created for legal political activity. The manifesto of October 17 served as an impetus for the formation of two influential bourgeois parties - the Cadets and the Octobrists.
The autumn of 1905 was marked by the growth of peasant revolts and revolutionary uprisings in the army and navy. In November - December, the peasant movement reached its climax. During this time, 1590 peasant uprisings were registered - about half of their total number (3230) for the whole of 1905. They covered half (240) counties of the European part of Russia, were accompanied by the destruction of landowners' estates and the seizure of landowners' lands. Up to 2,000 landowners' estates were destroyed (in total, over 6,000 landowners' estates were destroyed in 1905-1907). Peasant revolts took on a particularly wide scope in the Simbirsk, Saratov, Kursk and Chernigov provinces. Punitive troops were sent to suppress peasant uprisings, and a state of emergency was introduced in a number of places. On November 3, 1905, under the influence of a broad peasant movement that developed with particular force in the autumn of that year, a tsar's manifesto was published announcing the reduction of redemption payments from peasants for allotment land by half and the complete cessation of their collection from January 1, 1907.
In October-December 1905 there were 89 performances in the army and navy. The largest of them was the uprising of sailors and soldiers of the Black Sea Fleet under the leadership of Lieutenant L.L. Schmidt November 11-16. On December 2, 1905, the 2nd Rostov Grenadier Regiment rebelled in Moscow and appealed to all the troops of the Moscow garrison to support its demands. It resonated with other regiments. A Council of Soldiers' Deputies was created from representatives of the Rostov, Yekaterinoslav and some other regiments of the Moscow garrison. But the command of the garrison managed to suppress the soldiers' movement at its very beginning and isolate the unreliable military units in the barracks. The December events ended with an armed uprising and barricade battles in Moscow (December 10-19).
On December 11, 1905, S.Yu. Witte, a new electoral law for the State Duma. He retained the main provisions of the electoral law of August 6, 1905, with the only difference that now workers were also allowed to participate in the elections, for which a fourth, workers, curia was introduced and the number of seats for the peasant curia increased. The multi-stage elections were preserved: first, electors were elected, and from them - already deputies to the Duma, while one elector accounted for 90 thousand workers, 30 thousand peasants, 7 thousand representatives of the urban bourgeoisie and 2 thousand landlords. Thus, one vote of the landowner was equal to 3 votes of the bourgeoisie, 15 peasants and 45 workers. This created a significant advantage for the representation in the Duma to the landowners and the bourgeoisie.
In connection with the creation of the legislative State Duma, the State Council was reorganized. On February 20, 1906, a decree "On the reorganization of the institution of the State Council" was issued. From a legislative body, all members of which were previously appointed by the tsar, it became the upper legislative chamber, which received the right to approve or reject laws adopted by the State Duma. All these changes were included in the main "Basic State Laws" issued on April 23, 1906.
On November 24, 1905, a decree was issued on the new "Provisional Rules on Periodic Publications", which abolished preliminary censorship for periodicals. The Decree of April 26, 1906, on "Provisional Rules for Non-Time Printing" abolished preliminary censorship for non-periodical publications (books and pamphlets). However, this did not mean the final abolition of censorship. Penalties of various kinds (fines, suspension of publication, warnings, etc.) were kept against publishers who published articles in periodicals or books that were "objectionable" from the point of view of the authorities.
Retreat of the Revolution: 1906 - Spring-Summer 1907(See the scheme "Revolution of 1905-1907 in Russia. 3rd stage"). After the events of December 1905, the retreat of the revolution begins. First of all, it was expressed in the gradual decline of the workers' strike movement. If during 1905 2.8 million strikers were registered, then in 1906 - 1.1 million, and in 1907 - 740 thousand. However, the intensity of the struggle was still high. In the spring and summer of 1906, a new wave of the agrarian peasant movement arose, which acquired an even wider scope than in 1905. It covered more than half of the counties of the country. But despite its scope and mass character, the peasant movement of 1906, as in 1905, was a series of scattered, local riots that had practically no connection with each other. The All-Russian Peasant Union could not become the organizing center of the movement. The dissolution of the State Duma of the first convocation in July 1906 and the "Vyborg Appeal" (see the article "Vyborg Appeal" in the anthology) did not lead to a sharp aggravation of the revolutionary situation.
There were uprisings in the army and navy, which, like the peasant uprisings, took on a more threatening character than in 1905. The most significant of them were the uprisings in July-August 1906 of sailors in Sveaborg, Kronstadt and Reval. The Socialist-Revolutionaries prepared them and led them: they developed a plan to surround the capital with a ring of military uprisings and force the government to capitulate. The uprisings were quickly suppressed by troops loyal to the government, and their participants were brought to a military court, 43 of them were executed. After the failure of the uprisings, the Social Revolutionaries switched to the tried and tested tactics of individual terror. In 1906, the national liberation movement in Finland, the Baltic States, Poland, the Ukraine, and Transcaucasia assumed impressive proportions under the leadership of local nationalist parties.
On August 19, 1906, Nicholas II signed P.A. Stolypin decree on the introduction of courts-martial in Russia (abolished in April 1907). This measure made it possible to reduce the number of terrorist acts and "expropriations" in a short time. The year 1907 was not marked by any serious unrest in the countryside or in the army - the activity of the courts-martial and the beginning of the agrarian reform affected. The coup d'état of June 3, 1907 marked the defeat of the revolution of 1905-1907.
The historical significance of the revolution of 1905-1907. it was huge. It seriously shook the foundations of the Russian autocracy, which was forced to impose a number of significant self-restraints. The convocation of the legislative State Duma, the creation of a bicameral parliament, the proclamation of civil liberties, the abolition of censorship, the legalization of trade unions, the beginning of the agrarian reform - all this indicated that the foundations of a constitutional monarchy were taking shape in Russia. The revolution also received a great international response. It contributed to the rise of the strike struggle of the workers in Germany, France, England and Italy. (See the scheme "Revolution of 1905-1907 in Russia. Results")
History of Russia from ancient times to 1917.
The staff of the Department of National History and Culture of the Ivanovo State Power Engineering University, consisting of: Ph.D. Bobrova S.P. (topics 6,7); Associate Professor of the OIC Bogorodskaya O.E. (topic. 5); d.h.s. Budnik G.A. (topics 2,4,8); d.h.s. Kotlova T.B., Ph.D. Koroleva T.V. (topic 1); Ph.D. Koroleva T.V. (topic 3), Ph.D. Sirotkin A.S. (topics 9,10).
The beginning of the 20th century turned out to be a series of severe trials for the Russian Empire, which determined its political appearance. Two key events played an important role in the strategy of historical development: the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905 and the First Russian Revolution of 1905-1907. It was hard to imagine that the result would be so significant - later it would cause a change in the course of Russian history and a global restructuring of public life. V. Lenin and I. Stalin referred to the events of that time more than once in their writings.
The emergence of discontent among the educated inhabitants of Russia began to arise long before 1905. The intelligentsia gradually realized that in all spheres of society there are problems that the state does not want to solve.
The prerequisites for the occurrence of the events of 1905-1907 can be divided into three groups:
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Political |
Economic |
Social |
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Russia's tangible lag in political development. While the advanced Western countries had long ago moved to a system of parliamentarism, the Russian Empire only at the end of the 19th century began to think about such a reform. |
The world economic crisis, which aggravated at the turn of the century, played its role in shaping the decadent mood of citizens. The quality of life of the population has deteriorated significantly due to the fall in prices for the main export product - bread. |
Population growth and developing industrialization left a large percentage of the peasant population without a land share. |
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Foreign policy transformations carried out in the second half of the 19th century by Alexander III led to the strengthening of the status of liberal parties. |
The rapid development of industry, aimed at getting the country out of the crisis, required huge financial outlays. The most numerous sections of the population - peasants and workers - suffered from this. |
12-14-hour work shifts, lack of wages and a significant influx of people into the cities - all this had a negative impact on public sentiment. |
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The defeat of Russia in the war with Japan undermined its authority in the international arena and convinced the people of the failure of power. |
Restriction of civil and economic freedoms of the population |
The ever-growing level of corruption, bureaucracy, negligence of officials and inaction of state bodies |
Causes of the revolution
The main reasons include:
- The low standard of living of the people;
- Social insecurity of citizens;
- Untimely implementation of reforms (as a rule, with a big delay) by the authorities;
- The rise of the labor movement, the activation of the radical intelligentsia in the early 1900s;
- The defeat of Russia in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904, associated primarily with the mistakes of the commanding leadership and the technical superiority of the enemy.
The military defeat of Russia by the Japanese troops finally undermined the faith of the people in the strength of the army, the professionalism of the commanders-in-chief, and also significantly reduced the authority of state power.
The reason for the uprising was the mass execution of civilians who went to the sovereign to demand observance of their civil rights and freedoms. This day, January 22, went down in history under the name of Bloody Sunday. The reason for the demonstration was the dismissal of 4 workers of the Kirov plant for their disagreement with the policy of the state.
Main events
- January 9, 1905 - Bloody Sunday, the execution of peaceful demonstrators.
- June 14, 1905 - the uprising on the battleship Potemkin was suppressed.
- October 1905 - All-Russian October political strike, the signing of the "Manifesto of Freedoms" by the tsar.
- December 1905 - armed uprising in Moscow, climax.
- April 27, 1906 - the opening of a new authority - the State Duma, the birth of the parliament in Russia
- June 3, 1907 - the dissolution of the State Duma. The revolution ended in defeat.
Participants in revolutionary movements
Radical actions were simultaneously prepared by participants in three socio-political camps:
- supporters of autocracy. These people knew the need for reform, but without overthrowing the current government. This included representatives of the highest social strata, landowners, military personnel, and policemen.
- Liberals who wanted to limit the royal power in a peaceful way, without destroying it. These were the liberal bourgeoisie and the intelligentsia, peasants and employees.
- Revolutionary Democrats. They, as the side most affected by the economic crisis, actively advocated fundamental changes in the state system. It was in their interests to overthrow the monarchy. This camp includes peasants, workers and the petty bourgeoisie.
Main stages
When analyzing these events, historians identify several stages in the development of the conflict. Each of them was accompanied by important points that determined the direction of further actions both on the part of the revolutionaries and on the part of the authorities.
- The first stage (January-September 1905) was distinguished by the scale of the strikes. Strikes took place throughout the country, which prompted the authorities to take immediate action. The result was also influenced by the mass actions of the army and navy in 1905.
- The culmination of the events of 1905 was the December armed uprising in Moscow - the most bloody and numerous during the entire conflict. This marked the second stage: October - December. The emperor created the first manifesto of the revolution - "On the establishment of a legislative body - the State Duma", which did not give the majority of the population the right to vote, therefore it was not approved by the revolutionaries. It was soon followed by a second manifesto, to the delight of political forces, "On the abolition of unlimited monarchy in Russia."
- At the third stage (January 1906 - June 1907) there was a decline and retreat of the protesters.
The nature of what is happening
The rebellion had a bourgeois-democratic character. Its participants advocated the establishment in Russia of those political, economic, social rights and freedoms that had long been established in Europe and hindered the development of the country.
Goals of the revolution:
- The overthrow of monarchism and the establishment of parliamentarism in Russia;
- Improving working conditions for workers;
- Return of land lost due to industrialization to the peasant population;
- Affirmation of equality among all segments of the population
Major political parties
The Social Revolutionaries and liberals became the driving forces of the revolt. The former belonged to the Socialist Revolutionary Party and advocated an aggressive and radical change in the existing system. This party was the largest. This included workers, peasants and the youngest representatives of the resistance to the authorities - students.
The Liberal Party and the Constitutional Democratic Party (the Cadets) differed in the level of education of their members. This included the most famous scientists and academicians, such as Vernandsky, Milyukov, Muromtsev and others. Liberals advocated a change in the constitutional order.
The views of the representatives of the RSDLP were divided into two opposing camps: the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks. They were united by the desire to organize an armed uprising.
Timeline of revolutionary actions
- January 1905 - beginning
- June-October 1905 - uprisings and strikes throughout the country
- 1906 - the decline of the revolution
- June 3, 1907 - suppression by the authorities
Consequences of the first Russian revolution
The revolutionaries achieved the fulfillment of some of their demands. Working conditions were improved, the autocracy was undermined, democratic rights began to gradually take root in public life.
The meaning of the revolution
The first bourgeois revolution was a shock to the world community. It generated a great resonance within the country. Peasants and workers realized what influence they could have on the power and political life of the country. There was a huge change in worldview - the people were shown life without autocracy.
Peculiarities
This is the first nationwide event in Russia directed against the established system. At the first stages, it was distinguished by cruelty - the authorities fought the protesters with particular zeal, shooting even peaceful demonstrations.
Thanks to the first speeches directed against the autocracy, the people began to realize the need for its overthrow.
Reasons for defeat:
- The main reason is the lack of full agreement between the protesters. The uprising had a nationwide character, it was attended by representatives of all segments of the population. Everyone had their own vision of a proper state;
- conflict of interests between the proletariat, peasantry and liberals;
- insufficient support for the army;
- the lack of a clear and structured system of actions among the revolutionaries.
Result and results
The main results include the relaxations adopted by the current government:
- introduction of democratic freedoms;
- permission to organize trade unions and parties;
- resolution of moderate opposition;
- salary increase;
- reduction of the working day to 10 hours;
- cancellation of redemption payments for peasants.
1. In 1905 - 1907 in Russia there was the first revolution that swept the whole country. Its main results were:
- the creation of a parliament and political parties in Russia;
- carrying out the Stolypin reforms. Reasons for the revolution:
— the economic crisis of Russian capitalism at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries;
- the unresolved peasant issue and too difficult conditions for the abolition of serfdom (peasants for more than 40 years continued to pay redemption payments for land, which was provided for by the reform of 1861 and was a burden for the peasants);
- lack of social justice in most areas of the country's life;
- the absence of representative bodies, the obvious imperfection of the political system;
The day before, in December 1904, a mass strike began in St. Petersburg at the Putilov factory, which grew into a general one. By January 1905, 111,000 people took part in the strike in the capital.
Pop Gapon, at the same time a provocateur and agent of the Okhrana, introduced among the workers, organized a procession of the people to the tsar. On January 9, 1905, the workers began a mass procession to the Winter Palace with a petition to the tsar for the introduction of fundamental rights and freedoms. The procession was blocked by troops, who began firing at the demonstration.
The execution of workers in St. Petersburg caused indignation throughout the country and led to the beginning of revolutionary uprisings. Features of the revolution of 1905 - 1907. :
- its mass popular character - representatives of the most diverse strata of society - workers, peasants, soldiers, and the intelligentsia took part in the revolutionary uprisings;
- ubiquity - the revolution swept almost the entire country;
- the emergence of new people's bodies - councils, which opposed themselves to official power;
- the organization and strength of revolutionary actions - the authorities could not ignore the revolution.
The revolution took place in three stages:
- January - October 1905 - the development of the revolution on the rise;
- October 1905 - summer 1906 - the peak of the revolution, its transition to the political field;
- summer 1906 - summer 1907 - satisfaction of part of the demands of the bourgeois part of the leadership of the revolution, the damping of the revolution.
3. The most significant events of the first stage:
- an all-Russian propaganda campaign condemning "Bloody Sunday", the growth of popular indignation;
- the general strike of the Ivanovo-Voznesensk weavers in May 1905;
- strikes in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Odessa;
- uprising on the battleship "Prince Potemkin Tauride" in the summer of 1905;
- the creation of the first councils, the most influential of which were the Moscow and St. Petersburg councils;
- unrest in the Crimea, the uprising on the cruiser "Ochakov". The peak of the revolution was:
- All-Russian October strike of 1905;
- December armed uprising in Moscow.
During the All-Russian October strike, one by one, the country's enterprises began to stop, which threatened economic and political collapse. The strike covered 120 cities; large enterprises, transport, mass media stopped working. The strike participants put forward socio-economic (8-hour working day) and political (granting rights and freedoms, holding elections) demands.
4. On October 17, 1905, Tsar Nicholas II issued a Manifesto, by which he legitimized fundamental rights and freedoms and established a parliament:
- the State Duma elected by the people, together with the State Council appointed by the emperor, formed a bicameral parliament - the country's highest legislative body;
- at the same time, the elections to the State Duma were not democratic - universal and equal;
- women and "foreigners" - a number of non-Slavic peoples - were deprived of the right to vote;
- elections were held from different classes, and more deputies were elected from the propertied classes than from the same number of representatives of the poor - which initially reduced the representation of workers and guaranteed a majority for representatives of the middle and big bourgeoisie;
- The Duma was elected for 5 years, but could be dissolved by the tsar at any moment.
Despite its half-heartedness, the Manifesto of October 17, 1905 was of great historical significance - Russia moved from autocracy to a constitutional monarchy.
Most of the bourgeoisie was satisfied with the results of the revolution and began to prepare for the elections. The formation of bourgeois parties began, the leading of which were:
- "Union of October 17" (Octobrists) (leader industrialist A. Guchkov) - a right-wing party that advocated the further development of parliamentarism and capitalist relations;
- the party of the Cadets (leader professor of history P. Milyukov) - a centrist party that advocated the improvement of the constitutional monarchy, the continuity of historical traditions, the strengthening of Russia's influence in world politics;
- "The Union of Michael the Archangel" (finally took shape in 1907, popularly called the "Black Hundred") (leader Purishkevich) - a Russian radical nationalist party.
5. The proletariat, whose main socio-economic problems were not solved by the Manifesto and deprived of electoral prospects under the electoral law, on the contrary, intensified revolutionary activity.
In December 1905, an attempt was made to seize power in Moscow by force - the December armed uprising. This uprising was suppressed by the tsarist troops. Particularly fierce were the battles between the troops and the working detachments on Krasnaya Presnya.
6. After the suppression of the December armed uprising in 1905, revolutionary actions began to decline, the revolution moved into the political plane.
On April 23, 1906, the tsar issued the "Basic State Laws", which became the prototype of the Constitution and secured the fundamental rights and freedoms and the procedure for electing the State Duma. Also in April 1906, the first elections in the history of Russia to the State Duma took place. Due to the peculiarities of the electoral legislation (disproportionate representation in favor of the haves), the party of constitutional democrats, the Cadets, won the elections. Despite the victory of the centrist Cadets and the representation of mainly bourgeois parties, the First State Duma was radical for its time. The bourgeois deputies took a principled position on almost all issues and entered into a confrontation with the tsar and the tsarist government, which came as a surprise to him. Having worked for only 72 days, on July 9, 1906, the First State Duma was dissolved ahead of schedule by the tsar. Elected in February 1907, the Second State Duma again turned out to be beyond the control of the tsar and claimed real power. On June 3, 1907, the tsar prematurely dissolved the 11th Duma, which had worked for about 100 days.
7. In order to prevent the revolutionary nature of the next Dumas, simultaneously with the dissolution of the Second Duma, a new electoral law was published, which became even more undemocratic than the first. This law increased the property qualification for participation in elections and even more changed the proportion of representation in favor of the possessed (the vote of 1 landowner was equal to the votes of 10 peasants).
As a result of a change in the law /// The State Duma must. and was to represent only the upper strata of society, at that time the proletariat, the peasantry, the petty bourgeoisie, who constituted the majority of the population, due to their insignificant representation in parliament, were thrown out of the political process. The new, III State Duma, elected in 1907 according to the new law, became a formal body obedient to the tsar and worked for all 5 years.
The dissolution of the Second Revolutionary State Duma and the introduction of an undemocratic electoral law on June 3, 1907 occurred in violation of the Fundamental State Laws, which did not allow changing the electoral legislation without the consent of the Duma. These events went down in history as the "June 3rd coup d'état", and the reactionary conservative regime established after it, which lasted 10 years - until 1917, was the "June 3rd monarchy". Along with the tightening of the political regime, the tsarist government began economic reforms. In 1906, P.A. was appointed the new head of the Russian government. Stolypin, who pledged to carry out agrarian reform and suppress the revolution. One of the first steps taken by the government was the radical and historic decision, effective January 1, 1907, to abolish land redemption payments introduced after the abolition of serfdom.
This step meant the final abolition of serfdom and its consequences and removed from the peasants the last burden left from serfdom. This decision was approved by the majority of the peasants and reduced the revolutionary intensity among the peasants. At the same time, the government of P. Stolypin began to pursue a policy of brutal suppression of revolutionary uprisings. The justice system was limited and emergency tribunals for revolutionaries were introduced. The number of death sentences and exiles increased sharply. It also contributed to the decline of the revolutionary movement in the country. The coup of June 3, 1907 is considered the time of the end of the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907.
Peasants, workers, sailors, soldiers, and intelligentsia took part in the Russian revolution.
The main causes of the revolution:
- The aggravation of contradictions in the center of the country and the failure in the Russo-Japanese War are the cause of the political crisis;
- The unsettledness of the agrarian question—redemption payments, lack of land among the peasants, and others;
- The unsettledness of the labor question is the inaccessibility of the social inviolability of workers at a very high level of exploitation;
- Failure in operations on the Russian-Japanese front;
- The unresolved national question is a limitation of the power of national minorities, to a large extent Jews and Poles.
The first Russian revolution 1905-1907
It is known that it was provoked by the events that began in January 1905 in St. Petersburg. There are the following main stages of the revolution:
- The first stage - winter 1905 to autumn 1905
On January 9, 1905, they gave an order to shoot a peaceful demonstration, which was called "Bloody Sunday". For this reason, workers' strikes began in almost all regions of the state.
From May to June, the Council of Workers' Deputies was created, which acted as alternative authorities.
Mid-June - an uprising on the cruiser "Potemkin", which showed the government that high hopes cannot be placed on the armed forces.
In the autumn of 1905, an important event took place. The all-Russian October strike, initiated by the trade union of printers, was supported by other trade unions. The ruler publishes a manifesto "On the improvement of the state order." He grants the right to freedom of assembly, conscience, speech, press "Union of October 17". Also, the Constitutional Democratic Party, the Mensheviks and the Social Revolutionaries declare the end of the revolution.
- The second stage - December 1905 to June 1907
In early December, the Moscow armed uprising takes place, the Bolsheviks tried to start a general armed uprising, which failed.
From March to April 1906, elections to the First State Duma were held.
At the end of April to July 1906 - the beginning of the work of the First State Duma.
From February to June 1907 - the beginning of the work of the II State Duma. It was dissolved on June 3, 1907. During this period, there were still a few strikes, but they soon stopped, and control over the country of the government was restored.
- Also read -
The results of the revolution
- The form of government in Russia was completely changed. At that time it was a constitutional monarchy.
- Political parties have gained the ability to operate legally.
- Redemption payments were abolished, the peasants were granted the right to free movement, as well as the choice of place of residence.
- Improving the situation of workers (increasing wages, establishing sickness benefits in some enterprises, reducing the working day).
Today, it is not customary to talk much about the causes of the first Russian revolution, its course and the consequences that it entailed. Even in school history textbooks, rather modest attention is paid to these events. The two subsequent coups d'état that took place in February and October 1917 have been studied in much more detail. However, the significance that the revolution of 1905-1907 had on the emergence and development of parliamentarism in Russia, and on the further historical fate of the country as a whole, is difficult to overestimate. Especially if we consider these revolutionary events impartially and taking into account the current political realities that have developed today in the Russian state. In this section, one can find many curious analogies and allusions with the events of 110 years ago.
Causes of the first Russian revolution
Of course, revolutionary events almost never arise spontaneously, on unprepared ground and without certain conditions. The prerequisites that caused the revolution of 1905-1907 in Russia were the following reasons:
Political background:
1. The emergence of parliamentarism in Russia began much later than in most of the leading countries of the world of that period. If in England the parliamentary system began to take shape after 1265, and in France the date of the birth of parliamentary reforms is considered to be 1302, then in the Russian Empire, even at the beginning of the 20th century, parliamentarism was still in its infancy. This caused sharp dissatisfaction with the so-called "progressive minds" of Russian society, who paid ever closer attention to the experience of Western countries.
2. The relatively liberal policy pursued by the tsarist government of Russia in the second half of the 19th century led to the strengthening of the influence of circles professing leftist views, the emergence of various parties and movements that demanded greater democratic freedoms. Moreover, along with legal organizations, various associations that carried out their activities from the underground began to play a significant role. Including - and enough radical organizations that did not shy away from terror, outright provocations and agitation in favor of overthrowing the autocracy.
3. Failures in the Russo-Japanese War, which eventually led to the defeat of Russia, dealt a significant blow to the national self-consciousness of the country's population and a tangible drop in Russia's prestige in the international arena.
All this could not but cause revolutionary sentiments and demands for political reforms, both in the field of foreign policy and in the sphere of internal government of the country.
Economic background:
1. The global financial crisis that erupted at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries hit the Russian Empire quite painfully. Russia's external debt, which was formed during the Russian-Turkish war, has increased many times over. The fall in bread prices and the appearance on the market of American grain at dumping prices significantly reduced export cash receipts to the treasury.
2. With all this, the reorientation of agrarian Russia on an industrial footing required more and more costs. Of course, the most vulnerable segments of the population suffered the most from this, they are also the most numerous. We are talking about such categories of citizens as peasants, workers, civil servants, petty bourgeois.
3. The so-called "tightening the screws", undertaken by the tsarist government at the turn of the century, took away from the common population and raznochintsy most of the already few freedoms granted by the autocracy in previous years. The reactionary government took a fairly tough course of suppressing free thought and persecuting those who disagreed with the current regime. The dissatisfaction of the free-thinking population was actively supported, among other things, by foreign special forces, intelligence agencies of bourgeois countries and financial circles that were not interested in the development of Russia as one of the leading players in the world financial and commodity markets.
Thus, the revolution of 1905-1907 was not only the result of purely internal political problems of the Russian state, but was also caused by a whole range of economic turmoil.
Social background
The social contradictions that had developed in Russia by the beginning of 1905 should not be underestimated.
1. The rapid growth of the population and the rapid industrialization of the country led to a sharp reduction in free land plots and to a very noticeable drop in the welfare of the peasants, who at that time accounted for over 75% of the country's population.
2. In large cities, the development of industrial production caused a rapid influx of people from agricultural areas. People were ready to work 12 hours a day, practically seven days a week, and even endure a permanent reduction in wages.
3. Pervasive corruption, unjustified bloat of the bureaucratic apparatus, the slowness of the state system, the indifference of officials caused natural irritation and the understanding that many things needed to be changed in the most radical way.
Of course, the above list of reasons is far from complete, although it reflects the main prerequisites due to which the Russian revolution of 1905-1907 broke out.
Revolution of 1905-1907: the course of events
The revolution of 1905 began in the very first days of 1905 with a strike that broke out in the then capital, St. Petersburg, and instantly engulfed all the major industrial enterprises of the city. The reason for the unrest was the seemingly insignificant fact of the dismissal of four workers of the Kirov plant for their political views. By January 7, the strike had become widespread, and one of the ideological inspirers, a priest named Gapon, called on ordinary people to organize a procession to the Winter Palace in order to hand over the compiled “Petition for Rights” into the hands of the Sovereign himself. The march, estimated to have involved some 150,000 people, was dispersed by force, resulting in over 100 demonstrators being killed and about 500 wounded.
The brutal suppression of a peaceful demonstration in St. Petersburg has already caused a real storm of protests throughout the country. In May, in Ivanovo-Voznesensk, far from St. Petersburg, for example, the first workers' council in the history of Russia was formed. Closer to summer, the country was shaken by a series of peasant uprisings, riots and acts of disobedience. Separate units and divisions of the army and navy began to join the rebels (the uprising on the battleship Potemkin, for example), and the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907 reached its peak by the fall, when the All-Russian political strike was held. At the same time, the terrorist activities of the Socialist-Revolutionaries and other radicals were repeatedly activated. All these events were fraught with such a real threat to the very existence of Russian statehood that on October 17, Nicholas II was forced to sign a special Manifesto, providing certain categories of the lower strata of society with a number of indulgences, freedoms and privileges.
Despite the fact that after the signing of the Manifesto, the most organized participants in the events - liberal-minded circles - preferred to enter into a dialogue with the authorities, the authorities had to suppress peasant and worker unrest already in 1906. June 3, 1907 is considered to be the official date for the end of the First Russian Revolution. Thus, unrest in the country took place for 2.5 years - an unprecedented time for Russia!
Outcomes and results of the First Russian Revolution
Despite the fact that the revolution of 1905-1907 did not achieve one of its main goals - the overthrow of the autocracy in Russia - it had a decisive influence on the further historical fate of the state. The old Russia no longer existed!
The reorganization of the State Duma, which previously performed mainly formal, and sometimes simply decorative functions, allowed this body to become, in fact, the first parliament in the country's history.
By tsarist manifestos and decrees, many categories of citizens (excluding women, military personnel, students, landless peasants and some other groups) were granted not only the right to choose state or local authorities, but also freedom of speech, conscience and assembly.
The social position of the peasantry and the working conditions of employees of industrial enterprises have significantly improved.
From now on, the vast majority of published laws had to receive the approval of the State Duma.
Although the revolution of 1905-1907 did not lead to such radical changes as happened in 1917, it became a forerunner and a kind of “trial balloon” before those grandiose events that happened in the next decade!
