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Documents on the activities of whites, reds and greens.
"White"
Documentation:
What are you fighting for and why have we taken up arms?
You are fighting for commissar power, for the false power of the Apfelbaums (Zinoviev), Bronsteins (Trotsky), Rosenfelds (Kamenev), Nakhamkesovs (Steklovs), Kalinins, Petersons, who do not care for our Motherland and need only its shame.
We are fighting for the Constituent Assembly, for the popular and free choice of people who love their homeland, who have one thought and one heart with the people ... You are planting communes that enable lazy, parasites to enjoy the fruits of laboring hands.
We uphold property rights. Everyone has the right to what is legally his, everyone has the right to acquire by honest labor what he lacks. Everyone has the right to freely dispose of what he has obtained by his labors ...
You are embroiled in an endless war with the whole world. The Trotskys and Zinovievs want to flood the whole earth in ... blood. They set the workers against the peasants, the peasants against the workers. Sons to fathers and fathers to sons.
We bring peace to the Russian land. Immediately after the overthrow of the Bolshevik government, soaked in the blood of the Russian people, the freedom of peaceful labor must be restored. Our fields have already been stained with Russian blood for quite some time through the fault of rogues who do not have their own Fatherland. Let all the blood they shed fall on their heads. It's time for you, Russian people, to take up your gun for the last time and overthrow the yoke of the red executioners, finally return to the hearth and peaceful labor. Bread is with us, peace is with us, and the master of the Russian land is the Constituent Assembly.
Headquarters of the White Army
Appeal of the commander of the people's militia Antonov
The hour of our liberation has struck. The moment has come for deliverance from the red autocrats, who have settled like a nightingale robber in white-stone Moscow, defiled our shrines, our icons with holy relics, shed a sea of innocent blood of our fathers and brothers, turned our strong and rich state into an impenetrable desert. Here is my order to you: Regardless of any obstacles, immediately join the campaign to join my militia. The Fatherland is in danger, it calls for a feat. So, follow me to the rescue of Moscow! God and people are with us! To me, in Tambov!
Land Law P.N. Wrangel
For the former owners, part of their land may be retained, but the size of this part in each individual case is determined locally by local land institutions ...
All lands transferred to the owners of the land are assigned to them by acts and come into the eternal, hereditary property of each owner. Land is not alienated for nothing, but for payment to the State of its cost. Such a transfer of land ensures its transition to real, stable owners, and not to any person greedy for gratuitousness and foreign land. The price per tithe of land is determined by five times the value of the average annual harvest per tithe. The payment for the land is paid in installments over 25 years and, consequently, each owner will have to bring in annually one-fifth of the crop or pay the cost of it. Payment to the State can be made both in bread and in money - at the request of the payer.
Declaration by A.V. Kolchak on the agrarian question
April 8, 1919 ...At the same time, the Government will take measures to ensure landless peasants and small-land peasants for the future, using, first of all, privately owned and state-owned land, which has already passed into the actual possession of the peasants. The lands that were cultivated exclusively or mainly by the families of the owners of the land, farmers, otrubenets, fortifiers, are subject to return to their rightful owners.
The measures taken are aimed at satisfying the urgent needs of the working population of the countryside. In its final form, the age-old land issue will be resolved by the National Assembly ... and other sources.
General grounds for the political program of General L.G. Kornilov. January 1918
I. Restoration of citizenship rights:
All citizens are equal before the law without distinction of sex or nationality;
Destruction of class privileges;
Preservation of the inviolability of the person and the home;
Freedom of movement, residence, etc.
II. Full restoration of freedom of speech and press.
III. Restoration of freedom of industry and trade, abolition of the nationalization of private financial enterprises.
IV. Restoration of property rights.
V. Restoration of the Russian army on the basis of genuine military discipline. The army should be formed on a volunteer basis without committees, commissars and elected positions.
VI. Full fulfillment of all allied obligations of international treaties accepted by Russia. The war must be carried through to the end in close unity with our allies. Peace must be concluded universal and honorable on democratic principles, that is, with the right to self-determination of enslaved peoples.
VII. Russia introduces universal, compulsory primary education with broad local school autonomy.
VIII. The Constituent Assembly, disrupted by the Bolsheviks, must be convened again. Elections to the Constituent Assembly must be held freely, without any pressure on the people's will and throughout the country. The person of people's choices is sacred and inviolable.
IX. The government, created according to the program of General Kornilov, is responsible in its actions only to the Constituent Assembly, to which it transfers all the fullness of state-legislative power. The Constituent Assembly, as the sole owner of the Russian land, must work out the basic laws of the Russian constitution and finally construct the state system.
X. The Church must be given full autonomy in matters of religion. State guardianship over matters of religion is eliminated. Freedom of religion is fully exercised.
XI. The complex agrarian question is submitted for resolution to the Constituent Assembly. Until the latter develops the final form of the land question and the issuance of appropriate laws, any kind of anarchist-grabbing actions of citizens are recognized as unacceptable.
XII. All citizens are equal before the courts. The death penalty remains in force, but is applied only in cases of the gravest state crimes.
XIII. The workers retain all the political and economic gains of the revolution in the field of labor rationing, freedom of workers' unions, meetings and strikes, with the exception of the forcible socialization of enterprises and workers' control, leading to the death of domestic industry.
XIV. General Kornilov recognizes the right of the individual nationalities that are part of Russia to wide local autonomy, provided, however, that state unity is preserved. Poland, Ukraine and Finland, formed into separate national-state units, should be widely supported by the Russian government in their aspirations for state revival, in order to further solder the eternal and indestructible Union of fraternal peoples.
White archive. Collections of materials on the history and literature of the war, revolution, Bolshevism, the white movement, etc. / Ed. Ya. M. Lisovsky. - Paris, 1928. - T. II-III. - S. 130-131.
About the massacre of the peasants who rebelled against Kolchak. General Maykovsky's order. September 30, 1919
I. In every village in the region of the uprising (against Kolchak), search in detail, those captured with weapons in their hands, as enemies, shoot on the spot.
II. Arrest, on the testimony of local residents, all agitators, members of the Soviets who helped the uprising, deserters, accomplices and harborers, and bring them to court-martial.
III. An unreliable and vicious element should be sent to the Berezovsky and Nerchensky regions, handing them over to the police.
IV. Local authorities who did not show proper resistance to the bandits, who carried out their orders and did not take all measures to eliminate the Reds with their own means, should be brought to a court-martial, the punishment increased to the death penalty, inclusive.
V. The villages that have risen again must be liquidated with redoubled severity, up to the destruction of the entire village.
Motherland. - 1990. - No. 10. - S. 61.
We must help the healthy elements. From the materials of the main command of the armies of the Entente. February 17, 1919
///. Action plan
The restoration of the regime of order in Russia is a purely national matter, which must be carried out by the Russian people themselves.
However: to support them by surrounding the Bolshevik armies; give them our material and moral support.
EnvironmentBolshevism, started from the north, east and south, should be supplemented:
Onsouth- east actions taken from the region of the Caspian Sea to ensure the effective closure of the two main groupings of national forces (the armies of Denikin-Krasnov and the Ural army).
Onwest by restoring Poland militarily capable of defending its existence.
Eventually by occupying Petrograd and in any case by blockade of the Baltic Sea.
Immediatesupport, whichshouldgive the Russiansnationalforces, consists, among other things, in the supply of the necessary material resources, Vcreating a base, where these forces could continue their organization and from where they could then launch their offensive operations.
In this regard, there is a need occupationUkraine.
The actions of the Entente, therefore, should be directed mainly towards the realization: the complete encirclement of Bolshevism, the occupation of the Ukraine, the organization of Russian forces.
From the history of the civil war in the USSR. - M., 1961. - T. 2. - S. 7-8.
General A. I. Denikin on the land issue. From the official statement of the chairman of the special meeting under the commander-in-chief of the armed forces in southern Russia. April 10, 1919
At the direction of A. I. Denikin, the following principles were put in the basis for the development and compilation of regulations and rules:
I. Ensuring the interests of the working population.
II. Creation and strengthening of small and medium-sized farms at the expense of state and privately owned lands.
III. Preservation for the owners of their rights to the land. ! At the same time, in each individual locality, the amount of land that can be kept in the hands of the former owners must be determined, and the procedure for the transfer of the rest of the privately owned land to land-poor land must be established. These transitions can be made by voluntary agreements or by compulsory expropriation, but always for a fee. For the new owners, the land, not exceeding the established size, is assigned to the property rights.
IV. Alienation is not subject to Cossack lands, allotments, forests, lands of highly productive agricultural enterprises, as well as lands that do not have an agricultural purpose, but are a necessary accessory for mining and other industrial enterprises; in the last two cases - in the increased sizes established for each locality.
V. All-round assistance to farmers through technical improvements to the land (reclamation), agronomic assistance, credit, means of production, supply of seeds, live and dead implements, etc.
Without waiting for the final development of the land situation, it is necessary now to take measures to facilitate the transition of land to land-poor land and to raise the productivity of agricultural labor. At the same time, the government must prevent revenge and class hostility, subordinating private interests to the good of the state.
October 1917 and the fate of the political opposition // Reader on the history of social movements and political parties: a joint Russian-Belarusian study. - Gomel, 1993. - S. 65.
"Reds"
Documentation:
Decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee "On the transformation of the Soviet Republic into a military camp"
Face to face with the imperialist predators who seek to strangle the Soviet Republic and tear its corpse to pieces, face to face with the Russian bourgeoisie, which has raised the yellow banner of treason, and is betraying the workers' and peasants' country to the jackals of foreign imperialism, the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of Workers', Peasants', Red Army and Cossack Deputies Decides: The Soviet Republic is transformed into a military camp. At the head of all fronts and all military institutions of the Republic is placed the Revolutionary Military Council with one commander in chief. All the forces and means of the Socialist Republic are placed at the disposal of the sacred cause of armed struggle against the tyrants. All citizens, regardless of occupation and age, must unquestioningly fulfill those duties for the defense of the country that will be assigned to them by the Soviet government.
Supported by the entire working population of the country, the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army will crush and drive back the imperialist predators who trample the soil of the Soviet Republic.
The Council of People's Commissars, having heard the report of the chairman of the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission for Combating Counter-Revolution, Profiteering and Crime ex officio, on the activities of this commission, finds that in the given situation, the provision of rear by means of terror is a complete necessity ... that it is necessary to secure the Soviet Republic from class enemies by isolating them in concentration camps; that all persons connected with the White Guard organizations, conspiracies and rebellions are subject to execution; that it is necessary to publish the names of all those who were shot, as well as the reasons for applying this measure to them.
From the resolution of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on the transition to the general mobilization of workers and the poorest peasants of the Workers 'and Peasants' Red Army
The Central Executive Committee considers that the transition from a volunteer army to a general mobilization of the workers and the poorest peasants is imperatively dictated by the entire situation of the country, both for the struggle for bread and for repulsing the counter-revolution, both internal and external, which has become impudent on the basis of famine. It is necessary to urgently move to the forced recruitment of one or more ages. In view of the complexity of the matter and the difficulty of carrying it out simultaneously throughout the entire territory of the country, it seems necessary to begin, on the one hand, with the most threatened areas, and on the other hand, with the main centers of the labor movement.
Based on the foregoing, the Central Executive Committee decides to instruct the People's Commissariat for Military Affairs to develop within a week for Moscow, Petrograd, the Don and Kuban regions a plan for the implementation of forced recruitment within such limits and forms that would least disturb the course of production and social life of the aforementioned regions. and cities.
The relevant Soviet institutions are instructed to take the most energetic and active part in the work of the Military Commissariat in carrying out the tasks assigned to it.
From the report of the newspaper "Izvestia" about the execution of Tsar Nicholas II
On the night of July 16-17, by order of the Presidium of the Regional Council of Workers', Peasants' and Red Army Deputies of the Urals, former Tsar Nikolai Romanov was shot. With this act of revolutionary punishment, Soviet Russia solemnly warns all its enemies who dream of restoring the tsarist regime and even dare to threaten with arms in their hands.
From the position on workers' control. Adopted by the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on November 14 (27), 1917
3. For each large city, province or industrial region, a local Council of Workers' Control is created, which, being an organ of the Council of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies, is composed of representatives of trade unions, factory, factory and other workers' committees and workers' cooperatives ...
10. In all enterprises, the owners and representatives of workers and employees chosen to exercise Workers' Control are declared responsible to the state for the strictest order, discipline and protection of property. Those guilty of concealing materials, products, orders and misreporting, etc. abuses are subject to criminal liability...
Information about the atrocities of the Bolsheviks in the city of Yekaterinodar and its environs.
The Bolsheviks entered the city of Yekaterinodar on March 1, 1918. On the same day, a group of civilians, mostly intellectuals, was arrested, and all the detainees ... 83 people were killed, hacked to death and shot without any trial or investigation. The corpses were buried in three pits right there in the city. A number of witnesses, as well as doctors who later examined the dead, certified cases of burying unfinished, uncut victims. Among those killed were identified: a member of the Pushkari city government, a notary Globa-Mikhailenko and the secretary of the Peasant Union Molinov, as well as children aged 14-16 and old people over 65 years old. The victims were mocked, cutting off their fingers and toes, genitals, disfiguring their faces and other sources.
The food policy of previous years showed that the disruption of fixed prices for grain and the rejection of the grain monopoly, by making it easier for a handful of ... capitalists to feast, would make bread completely inaccessible to the many millions of working people and subject them to inevitable starvation ... Not a single pood grain should not remain in the hands of the holders, except for the amount necessary for the seeding of their fields and for the food of their families until the new harvest. And this must be put into practice immediately, especially after the occupation of Ukraine by the Germans, when we are forced to be content with grain resources, which are barely enough for seeding and cut food ...
Taking into account that only with the strictest accounting and even distribution of all grain reserves will Russia get out of the food crisis, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of Soviets decided:
1. Confirming the inviolability of the grain monopoly and fixed prices, as well as the need for a merciless struggle against grain speculators-sacks, to oblige each owner of grain the entire surplus in excess of the amount necessary for seeding the fields and personal consumption according to established standards before the new harvest, declare for delivery within a week after the announcement of this decision in each volost ...
2. To call on all working people and poor peasants to immediately unite for a merciless struggle against the kulaks.
3. To declare all those who have a surplus of grain and do not take it out to bulk points, as well as those who squander grain stocks for moonshine, enemies of the people, transfer them to a revolutionary court so that the perpetrators are sentenced to imprisonment for a term of at least 10 years, expelled forever from communities, all their property was confiscated, and moonshiners, moreover, were sentenced to forced public works.
4. If anyone is found to have an excess of bread not declared for delivery, in accordance with paragraph 1, the bread is taken from him free of charge, and the value of the undeclared surplus due at fixed prices is paid in half the amount to the person who indicates the concealment of the surplus, after the actual their receipts at bulk points, and in half the amount - to the rural society ...
The All-Russian Central Executive Committee of Soviets decides, in order to more successfully combat the food crisis, to grant the People's Commissariat for Food the following powers:
1. Issue binding decisions on the food business that go beyond the usual limits of competence of the People's Commissariat for Food.
2. Cancel the decisions of local food authorities and other organizations and institutions that contradict the plans and actions of the People's Commissar for Food.
3. To demand from the institutions and organizations of all departments the unconditional and immediate execution of the orders of the People's Commissar of Food in connection with the food business.
4. Use armed force in case of counteraction to the taking away of bread or other food products.
5. Dissolve or reorganize local food authorities in case of opposition to their orders of the People's Commissar of Food.
6. Dismiss, dismiss, bring to revolutionary trial, arrest officials and employees of all departments and public organizations in the event of their disruptive interference in the orders of the People's Commissar of Food ...
Collection of legalizations and orders of the workers' and peasants' government. - M., 1918. - No. 35. - Art. 468. - S. 437-438.
From the Regulations on Workers' Control. Adopted by the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on November 14 (27), 1917
2. Workers' Control is exercised by all the workers of a given enterprise through their elected institutions, such as factory, factory committees, councils of elders, etc., and these institutions include representatives from employees and from technical personnel.
3. For each large city, province or industrial region, a local Council of Workers' Control is created, which, being an organ of the Council of Workers, Soldiers and peasantdeputies, drawn up from representatives of trade unions, factory, factory and other workers' committees and workers' cooperatives...
6. The organs of Workers' Control have the right to monitor production, establish a minimum output of an enterprise, and take measures to ascertain the cost of the products produced.
7. The organs of Workers' Control have the right to control all the business correspondence of an enterprise, and the owners are liable in court for the concealment of correspondence. Trade secrets are abolished. Owners are obliged to present to the organs of Workers' Control all books and reports both for the current year and for previous accounting years.
8. Decisions of the organs of Workers' Control are binding on the owners of enterprises and can only be annulled by a decision of the higher organs of Workers' Control.
9. The employer or the administration of an enterprise shall be granted a period of three days to appeal to the appropriate higher body of Workers' Control all decisions of the lower bodies of Workers' Control.
10. In all enterprises, owners and representatives workers And* employees, selectedForimplementation Workers' Control, are declared responsible to the state for the strictest order, discipline and protection of property. Those guilty of concealing materials, products, orders and misreporting, etc. abuses are subject to criminal liability...
Decisions of the party and government on economic issues. - S. 25-27.
On the organization of the workers' and peasants' Red Army. From the decree of the Council of People's Commissars. January 15, 1918
The old army served as an instrument of class oppression of the working people by the bourgeoisie. With the transfer of power to the working and exploited classes, it became necessary to create a new army, which will be the bulwark of Soviet power in the present, the foundation for replacing the standing army with nationwide weapons in the near future and will serve as support for the coming socialist revolution in Europe.
In view of this, the Council of People's Commissars decides: to organize a new army called the "Workers'-Peasants' Red Army" on the following grounds:
1) The Workers' and Peasants' Red Army is being created from the most conscious and organized elements of the working masses.
2) Access to its ranks is open to all citizens of the Russian Republic at least 18 years old. Everyone enters the Red Army who is ready to give his strength, his life to defend the gains of the October Revolution, the power of the Soviets and socialism. To join the ranks of the Red Army, recommendations are required: military committees or public democratic organizations standing on the platform of Soviet power, party or professional organizations, or at least two members of these organizations. When joining in whole parts, a mutual guarantee of all and a roll-call vote are required.
Decrees of the Soviet power. - M., 1957. - T. 1. - S. 356-357.
The Czechoslovaks met the echelons of the Red Guards with fire. From the report of the chairman of the West Siberian Regional Council to the People's Commissariat for Military Affairs. Omsk. 26 May 1918
Starting with demands for large supplies of grain and advance with weapons to Vladivostok, the Czechoslovak echelons seize railways, telegraphs and stations, and communicate in their own language by telegraph. A military Czechoslovak congress is convened in Chelyabinsk, and it is announced that no train traffic will be allowed between Omsk and Chelyabinsk. In Omsk, things came to bloodshed. The Czechoslovaks met the echelons of the Red Guards with fire. Many wounded. We need solid help from the Urals and certain instructions from the center. I repeat, the situation is very serious. Between Tomsk and Krasnoyarsk, the Czechoslovak echelon disarmed a partisan detachment that was going to fight against Semyonov and captured the city of Mariinsk ...
Directives of the command of the fronts of the Red Army. - M., 1977. - T. 1. - S. 30.
About deserters. From the Order of the Chairman of the RVSR on the troops and Soviet institutions of the southern front. November 24, 1919
1. Any scoundrel who will incite to retreat, desertion, failure to comply with a military order will be shot.
2. Any soldier of the Red Army who arbitrarily leaves a combat post will be shot.
3. Any soldier who abandons a rifle or sells a piece of uniform will be shot...
6. For harboring deserters, the guilty are subject to execution.
7. Houses in which deserters hide will be burned.
Military history magazine. - 1989. - No. 8. - S. 46.
Greens
Documentation:
On the creation of a "true Soviet socialist system". From the dispatch of the Revolutionary Military Council of the insurgent army of Father Makhno. January 7, 1920
1. All orders of the Denikin volunteer) authorities are abolished. Those orders of the communist government, which ran counter to the interests of the peasants and workers, are also cancelled.
2. Note: as to which of the orders of the communist government are harmful to the working people, the working people themselves must decide - the peasants at the gatherings, the workers in their factories and plants ...
3. All workers' and peasants' organizations are supposed to start building free workers' and peasants' soviets. Only workers participating in this or that labor necessary for the national economy should be elected to the councils. Representatives of political organizations have no place in the workers' and peasants' councils, since their participation in the workers' council will turn the latter into a council of Party documents, which can lead to the ruin of the Soviet system.
4. The existence of Chekas, party revolutionary committees and similar coercive, domineering and disciplinary institutions is unacceptable among free peasants and workers.
5. Freedom of speech, press, gatherings, unions, etc., is an inalienable right of every worker, and any restriction on them is a counter-revolutionary act.
6. State guards, police... are abolished. Instead, the population itself organizes its self-protection. Self-protection can be organized only by workers and peasants ... and other sources.
During the years of the Civil War, people were originally called "green", they evaded military service and hid in the forests (hence the name). This phenomenon acquired a mass character in the summer of 1918, when the forced mobilization of the population was launched. Then this name was assigned to irregular armed formations, consisting mainly of peasants, who equally opposed both the Reds and the Whites, or could temporarily support one of the parties, waging a guerrilla war.
Some Greens fought under their own banners - green, black-green, red-green or black. The flag of the anarchists of Nestor Makhno was a black cloth with a skull and crossbones and the slogan: "Freedom or death."
Among the detachments of the greens, one could meet peasants driven from their places by the Reds or Whites and evading mobilization, and ordinary bandits, and anarchists. Anarchist ideology was adhered to by the leaders of the largest association of greens - the so-called. Rebel army of Ukraine. And it was precisely with anarchism that this movement was most closely associated.
Currents in Russian anarchism at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries
By the time of the first (1905) Russian revolution in anarchism, three main directions were clearly defined: anarcho-communism, anarcho-syndicalism and anarcho-individualism, with each of them having smaller factions.
On the eve of the revolution of 1905, most anarchists were adherents of anarcho-communism. Their main organization was "Bread and Will" headquartered in Geneva. P. A. Kropotkin was the main ideologist of the Khlebovoltsy. Their program included the following:
The purpose of the action of the anarchists was declared a "social revolution", that is, the complete destruction of capitalism and the state and their replacement by anarchist communism.
The beginning of the revolution was to be "a general strike of the dispossessed both in cities and in the countryside."
The main methods of struggle in Russia were proclaimed "uprising and direct attack, both mass and personal, against the oppressors and exploiters." The question of the use of personal terrorist acts was to be decided only by local residents, depending on the specific situation.
The form of organization of the anarchists was to be “a voluntary agreement of individuals in groups and groups among themselves.
Anarchists rejected the possibility of their entry into any governing bodies (the State Duma or the Constituent Assembly), as well as the possibility of cooperation between anarchists and other political parties or movements.
Essential for the Khlebovoltsy was the question of the future society, created on the model of anarcho-communism. Supporters of Kropotkin imagined the future society as a union or federation of free communities, united by a free contract, where a person, freed from the guardianship of the state, would receive unlimited opportunities for development. For the planned development of the economy, Kropotkin proposed to decentralize industry. In the agrarian question, Kropotkin and his associates considered it necessary to transfer all the land seized as a result of the uprising to the people, to those who cultivate it themselves, but not to personal possession, but to the community.
In the conditions of the revolution of 1905-07. in Russian anarcho-communism, several more currents were formed:
Headless . This trend was based on the preaching of terror and robberies as ways to fight the autocracy and the denial of any moral foundations of society. They wanted to destroy the autocracy by means of a "bloody massacre" with those in power.
In the autumn of 1905, Chernoznamenets (named after the color of the banners). In the revolution of 1905-07. this trend played one of the leading roles. The social base of the Chernoznamentsy was made up of individual representatives of the intelligentsia, part of the proletariat and artisan workers. They considered their main task to be the creation of a broad mass anarchist movement, the establishment of links with all areas of anarchism. In the course of hostilities at the end of 1905, the Chernoznamentsy split into "unmotivated" terrorists and communist anarchists. The former considered the organization of "unmotivated anti-bourgeois terror" as the main goal, while the anarchist-communists spoke in favor of combining an anti-bourgeois war with a series of partial uprisings.
Anarcho-syndicalists . The syndicalists considered the main goal of their activity to be the complete, all-round liberation of labor from all forms of exploitation and the creation of free professional associations of workers as the main and highest form of their organization.
Of all the types of struggle, the syndicalists recognized only the direct struggle of the workers against capital, as well as the boycott, strikes, destruction of property (sabotage) and violence against the capitalists.
Following these ideals led the syndicalists to the idea of a "non-party workers' congress", as well as to agitation for the creation of an all-Russian workers' party from "proletarians, regardless of existing party divisions and views." Some of these ideas were adopted from the syndicalists by the Mensheviks.
In Russia, by the beginning of the first Russian revolution, there is also anarcho-individualism (individualist anarchism), which took as a basis the absolute freedom of the individual "as the starting point and the final ideal."
Varieties of individualistic anarchism also took shape:
Mystical anarchism is a movement aimed not at social transformations, but at "a special kind of spirituality." Mystic-anarchists were based on Gnostic teachings (or rather, on their own understanding), they denied the institutions of the church, and preached a one-man path to God.
Association anarchism. He was represented in Russia in the person of Lev Chernov (pseudonym P. D. Turchaninov), who took as a basis the works of Stirner, Proudhon and the American anarchist V. R. Tekker. Turchaninov advocated the creation of a political association of manufacturers. He considered systematic terror to be the main method of struggle.
Makhaevtsy (Mahaevists). The Makhaevites expressed a hostile attitude towards the intelligentsia, power and capital. The creator and theorist of the trend was the Polish revolutionary Ya. V. Makhaisky.
In the wake of the rising revolution, the anarchists began to take more active steps. Seeking to expand their influence on the masses, they organized printing houses, published brochures and leaflets. In an effort to tear the working class away from the Marxists, the anarchists came out with all sorts of attacks on the Bolsheviks. Denying the need for any power at all, the anarchists opposed the Bolsheviks' demands for a provisional revolutionary government.
In the pages of the anarchist press, the tactics of anarchism were characterized as a constant rebellion, a continuous uprising against the existing social and state order. Anarchists often called on the people to prepare for an armed uprising. Anarchist fighting squads carried out the so-called "unmotivated" terror. On December 17, 1905, anarchists in Odessa threw 5 bombs at Libman's cafe. Terrorist acts were committed by anarchists in Moscow, in the Urals, in Central Asia. The Yekaterinoslav anarchists were especially active (about 70 acts). During the years of the first Russian revolution, the tactics of political and economic terror among the anarchists often resulted in robberies. Due to them, some anarchist groups created the so-called "combat cash funds", from which part of the money was given to the workers. In 1905-07. quite a few criminal elements joined anarchism, trying to cover up their activities in this way.
Anarchist ideologues hoped that the expansion of the network of anarchist organizations in 1905-07. will accelerate the introduction into the consciousness of the masses (and primarily of the working class) of the ideas of anarchism.
Anarchists in the February Revolution of 1917
In 1914 the First World War broke out. It also caused a split among the anarchists into social patriots (led by Kropotkin) and internationalists. Kropotkin departed from his views and founded a group of "anarcho-trenchers". Anarchists who disagreed with him formed an international movement, but they were too few to have a serious influence on the masses. In the years between the two revolutions, syndicalists became more active, publishing leaflets and verbally calling on citizens to open struggle.
Anarcho-communists in the period 1905-1917 went through several splits. From the orthodox supporters of anarcho-communism, the so-called anarcho-cooperators separated. They considered it possible to move from capitalism to communism immediately, bypassing any transitional stages.
The center for gathering forces of anarcho-communists was the Moscow Federation of Anarchist Groups. The most important thing during the period of the revolution was the First Congress of Anarcho-Communists.
Anarcho-syndicalists acted more energetically than other trends. Unlike the anarcho-communists, the syndicalists constantly rotated in the working environment, they knew better the demands and needs of the working people. In their opinion, the day after the social revolution, state and political power should be destroyed and a new society should be created under the leadership of a federation of syndicates, responsible for organizing production and distribution.
In 1918 the so-called anarcho-federalists separated from the syndicalists. They considered themselves adherents of "pure syndicalism" and, in their opinion, social life after a social upheaval should be arranged by uniting individuals on the basis of an agreement or agreement in communes.
In addition to the above, there were also many small, scattered groups of individualist anarchists.
Immediately after the February events (March 1, 1917), anarchists issued a number of leaflets in which they expressed their opinion on the events that had taken place. Below are excerpts from the text of the leaflet of the United Organization of Petrograd Anarchists:
“The heroic efforts of the soldiers and the people overthrew the power of Tsar Nikolai Romanov and his guardsmen. The centuries-old fetters that tormented the soul and body of the people are torn.
Before us, comrades, there is a great task: to create a new beautiful life on the principles of freedom and equality […].
We, anarchists and maximalists, say that the masses of the people, organizing themselves in unions, will be able to take the matter of production and distribution into their own hands and establish an order that ensures real freedom, that the workers do not need any power, they do not need courts, prisons, police.
But, pointing out our goals, we anarchists, in view of the exceptional conditions of the moment, ... will go along with the revolutionary government in its struggle against the old power, until our enemy is crushed ...
Long live the social revolution."
Subsequently, the anarchists began to sharply criticize the Provisional Government and other authorities.
The political activity of the anarchists between the February and October revolutions was mainly reduced to an attempt to speed up the course of events - to carry out an immediate social revolution. This is what basically distinguished their program from the programs of other Social Democratic parties.
Anarchists launched their propaganda in Petrograd, Moscow, Kyiv, Rostov and other cities. Clubs were created that became centers of propaganda. Anarchist leaders gave lectures at industrial enterprises, in military units and on ships, recruiting sailors and soldiers into members of their organizations. Anarchists staged rallies on the streets of cities. These groups were mostly small, but noticeable.
In March 1917, the anarchists of Petrograd held 3 meetings. It was decided to conduct active propaganda, but not to take any action.
The second meeting of the Petrograd anarchists took place on March 2. It adopted the following requirements:
Anarchists say:
1. All adherents of the old power must be immediately removed from their places.
2. All orders of the new reactionary government, representing a danger to freedom - to cancel.
3. Immediate reprisal against the ministers of the old government.
4. Realization of real freedom of speech and press.
5. Issuance of weapons and ammunition to all combat groups and organizations.
6. Financial support for our comrades who have been released from prison.”
At the third meeting, held on March 4, 1917, reports were heard on the activities of anarchist groups in Petrograd. Requirements corrected and approved:
The right of representation from the organization of anarchists in Petrograd in the Soviet of Workers and Soldiers' Deputies;
Freedom of the press for all anarchist publications;
Immediate support for those released from prison;
The right to carry and generally carry any kind of weapon.
On tactical issues, anarchists after February divided into two camps - anarcho-rebels (the majority of anarchists) and "peaceful" anarchists. The rebels offered to immediately raise an armed uprising, overthrow the Provisional Government and immediately establish a powerless society. However, the people for the most part did not support them. "Peaceful" anarchists persuaded the workers not to take up arms, offering to leave the existing order for the time being. P. Kropotkin also joined them.
Interestingly, if practically no one supported the rebels, then the views of "peaceful" anarchists were shared by other political parties and movements. In their leaflets, even the party of the Cadets cited some sayings of P. A. Kropotkin.
Anarchists participated in all major rallies, and often served as their initiators. On April 20, the workers of Petrograd spontaneously took to the streets, protesting against the imperialist policy of the Provisional Government. Rallies were held in all squares of the city. On Theater Square there was an anarchist tribune, decorated with black flags. The anarchists demanded the immediate overthrow of the Provisional Government.
As early as March 1917, the anarchists began to take active steps to free their brethren from prison. But along with political prisoners, they were leaving prisons
so do criminals. The anarchist press did not leave this unattended:
“We see that the death penalty has been abolished for crowned and titled criminals: the king of ministers, generals, and criminals can be dealt with like mad dogs without any ceremony called a court. … Real criminals, serfs of the old government, receive amnesties, are restored in their rights, take an oath to the new government and receive appointments […].
The most inveterate villain and criminal did not do even a hundredth of the harm that the former arbiters of the fate of Russia brought […].
We must come to the aid of criminals and fraternally extend a hand to them as victims of social injustice.”
In April, a declaration of anarchist groups was adopted in Moscow, which was published not only in Moscow, but also in the print media of many Russian cities:
1. Anarchist socialism is fighting to replace the power of class domination with an international union of free and equal workers in order to organize world production.
2. In order to strengthen anarchist organizations and develop anarcho-socialist thought, continue the struggle for political freedoms.
3. Conducting anarchist propaganda and organizing the revolutionary masses.
4. Considering the world war as imperialist, anarchist socialism seeks to end it through the labors of the proletariat.
5. Anarchist socialism calls on the masses to refrain from participating in non-proletarian organizations - trade unions, councils of workers' and soldiers' deputies.
6. Relying solely on the revolutionary initiative of the masses, anarchist socialism advances the general strike of the workers and the general strike of the soldiers as a transitional stage to the direct seizure by the organized proletariat of the instruments and means of government.
7. Anarchist socialism calls on the masses to organize anarchist groups in industrial and transport enterprises in order to form an anarchist international […].
In May, anarchists staged two armed demonstrations. Their speakers called for terror and anarchy. Using the dissatisfaction of the working people with the policy of the Provisional Government, the anarchist leaders went over to hostilities in order to provoke armed uprisings.
In June 1917, the anarchists seized all the premises of the Russkaya Volya newspaper - the office, the editorial office, and the printing house. The Provisional Government sent a detachment of troops. After long negotiations, the anarchists surrendered. Most of them were subsequently found not guilty and released.
On June 7, in response to the seizure of the printing house, the Minister of Justice of the Provisional Government, N.P. Pereverzev, gave the order to clear the Durnovo dacha, where, in addition to the anarchists, the Prosvet workers' club and the board of trade unions of the Vyborg side were located. A wave of indignation and protest arose. On the same day, four enterprises of the Vyborg side began strikes, and by June 8, their number had increased to 28 factories. The provisional government retreated.
On June 9, at the Durnovo dacha, the anarchists convened a conference attended by representatives of 95 factories and military units of Petrograd. At the initiative of the organizers, a "Provisional Revolutionary Committee" was created, which included representatives of some factories and military units. The anarchists decided on June 10 to seize several printing houses and premises. They were supported by separate groups of workers. But the Bolsheviks' cancellation of the demonstration scheduled for that day frustrated their plans.
But in the demonstration held on June 18, the anarchists nevertheless took part. By one o'clock the anarchists approached the Campus de Mars, carrying several black banners with anarchist slogans. During the demonstration, the anarchists staged a raid on the Kresty prison, where their like-minded people were imprisoned. A group of 50-75 people raided the prison. The raiders released 7 people: the anarchists Khaustov (former editor of the Okopnaya Pravda newspaper), Muller, Gusev, Strelchenko and several criminals. Along with the anarchists, the Bolshevik party was also accused of the raid on the "Crosses".
The situation around Durnovo's dacha sharply worsened again. On June 19, a Cossack hundred and an infantry battalion with an armored vehicle, led by the Minister of Justice P. Pereverzev, prosecutor R. Karinsky and General P. Polovtsev, went to the dacha, demanding the extradition of those released from prison. The anarchists at the dacha tried to resist. They threw a grenade, but it did not explode. As a result of a clash with the troops, the anarchist Asin was killed (possibly committed suicide), 59 people were arrested. To the great regret of the authorities, they did not find the Bolsheviks there. The news of the pogrom at Durnovo's dacha raised the entire Vyborg side to its feet. On the same day, workers from four factories went on strike. The meetings were quite stormy, but soon the workers calmed down.
In protest against the pogrom, the anarchists tried to bring the 1st machine gun regiment to the streets. But the soldiers answered the anarchists with a refusal: “We do not share the views or actions of the anarchists and are not inclined to support them, but at the same time we do not approve of the reprisals of the authorities against anarchists and are ready to defend freedom from the internal enemy”.
In July 1917, the political situation in Petrograd deteriorated greatly. Messages came to Petrograd about the failure of the offensive of the Russian army at the front. This caused a government crisis. All the Cadet ministers of the Provisional Government resigned.
The anarchists, assessing the situation, decided to act. On July 2, at the Durnovo dacha, the leaders of the Petrograd Federation of Communist Anarchists held a secret meeting, at which they decided to mobilize their forces and call on the people to an armed uprising under the slogans: “Down with the Provisional Government!”, “Anarchy and self-organization!”. Active propaganda was launched among the population.
The main support of the anarchists was the 1st machine gun regiment. The regiment's barracks were not far from Durnovo's retreat, and the anarchists had great influence there. On July 2, a rally was held in the People's House under the leadership of the Bolshevik G. I. Petrovsky. The anarchists sought to win over the soldiers to their side. On the afternoon of July 3, on the initiative of soldier Golovin, who was a supporter of the anarchists, a regimental meeting was opened against the will of the regimental committee. Bleichman spoke from the anarchists at the rally. He urged "to take to the streets today, July 3rd, with weapons in hand, for a demonstration to overthrow ten capitalist ministers." Other anarchists spoke out, posing as representatives of the workers of the Putilov factory, Kronstadt sailors and soldiers from the front. They didn't have a specific plan. “The street will show the target,” they said. The anarchists also said that other factories were already ready to go. The Bolsheviks tried to stop the crowd, but the indignant soldiers did not listen to them. At the rally, it was decided to immediately go out into the street with weapons in their hands.
The machine gunners decided to draw the sailors of Kronstadt into the armed uprising and sent a delegation to them, which included the anarchist Pavlov. In the fortress, the delegation got to a meeting of the executive committee of the Council and asked for the support of the sailors in an armed uprising, but was refused. Then the delegates decided to turn directly to the sailors, where at that time the anarchist E. Yarchuk was giving a lecture on war and peace to a small audience (about 50 people). Arriving there, the anarchists issued calls for an immediate uprising. “Blood is already shed there, and the Kronstadters are sitting and lecturing,” they said. These speeches caused unrest among the sailors. Soon, 8-10 thousand people gathered on Anchor Square. The anarchists reported that the purpose of their uprising was to overthrow the Provisional Government. The excited crowd was looking forward to the performance. The Bolsheviks tried to stop the departure of the sailors to Petrograd, but they only succeeded in delaying it.
Delegations of machine gunners sent to many plants and factories, as well as to the military units of Petrograd, called on workers and soldiers to an armed uprising. The machine-gun regiment began to erect barricades. The machine gunners were followed by the Grenadier, Moscow and other regiments. By 9 pm on July 3, seven regiments had already left the barracks. They all moved to the Kshesinskaya mansion, where the Central Committee and the PC of the Bolshevik Party were located. Delegations from factories also reached out there. The Putilovites and the workers of the Vyborg side came out.
The whole demonstration went to the Tauride Palace. Among the slogans of the strikers were both Bolshevik slogans ("All power to the "Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies"") on red banners, and anarchist ones ("Down with the Provisional Government", "Long live anarchy!"). Nevsky Prospekt was filled with workers and revolutionary soldiers. There was a shooting that lasted no more than 10 minutes.
On July 4, the revolutionaries took to the streets again. At 12 noon, the Kronstadt sailors joined them. At least 500 thousand people took to the streets. They all rushed to the Tauride Palace. Government troops on Nevsky Prospekt opened fire. They also shot at Liteiny Prospekt, near the Tauride Palace and in other places. The dead and wounded began to appear. The demonstration went downhill.
The uprising of July 3-4, 17 ended in failure. Until October 1917, the anarchists calmed down, while continuing to conduct propaganda among the population.
Anarchists after October 1917
On the eve of October 1917, the Bolsheviks did not fail to use the anarchists as a destructive force, assisting them with weapons, food, and ammunition. The anarchists, having plunged into their native element of destruction and struggle, participated in armed clashes in Petrograd, Moscow, Irkutsk and other cities.
After the October events, some anarchists partially changed their previous views and went over to the side of the Bolsheviks. Among them are such famous people as Chapaev, Anatoly Zheleznyakov, who dispersed the constituent assembly, Dmitry Furmanov and Grigory Kotovsky. Some anarchists were members of the main Bolshevik revolutionary organizations: the Petrograd Soviet, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the Soviets.
However, the coming of the Bolsheviks to power was met with hostility by many anarchists. Literally from the first hours, the anarchists began to disagree with the Bolsheviks. Having previously advocated for the Soviets, the anarchists hastened to dissociate themselves from this organizational form of power. Others, recognizing Soviet power, were against the creation of a centralized government.
Anarchists still advocated the continuation of the revolution. They were not satisfied with the results of the October Revolution, which overthrew the power of the bourgeoisie, but established the dictatorship of the proletariat. In the view of anarchists, the transition from capitalism to communism, and then to anarchy, should not be a long process, it takes only a few days. The transition was conceived as an "explosion", one "big leap". Based on this project of theirs, the anarchists proclaimed a course towards the transition to communism. “The struggle for the communist system must begin immediately,” A. Ge wrote.
Anarchists put forward the slogan of a "third revolution". In their opinion, the following came out: the February Revolution overthrew the autocracy, the power of the landlords; October - the Provisional Government, the power of the bourgeoisie; and the new, "third" one must overthrow the Soviet power, the power of the working class, and abolish the state in general, i.e., liquidate the state of the proletarian dictatorship.
Anarchists also opposed the ratification of the Brest Peace. They declared their disagreement with the Bolsheviks, while emphasizing in every possible way the difference between their position and the Socialist-Revolutionary and Menshevik ones. The resolution of the anarchists proposed to reject the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk "as an act of conciliation, and ... practically and in principle incompatible with the dignity and interests of the Russian and world revolution." Brest further divided the anarchists into supporters and opponents of the October Revolution. Some recognized the need for measures taken by the Bolsheviks to save the revolution, and took the path of cooperation with the Soviet government. Others, on the contrary, were preparing to fight the Soviet regime, creating detachments of the "black guard".
The Moscow Federation of Anarchist Groups in the winter of 1917-1918 seized several dozen merchant mansions, which turned into "Houses of Anarchy" - clubs, lecture halls, libraries, printing houses were set up there, "Black Guard" detachments were based, numbering three to four thousand fighters. The Union of Anarchist Propaganda and the rapidly growing youth anarchist organizations and unions launched a wide agitation activity.
In the front-line cities of Kursk, Voronezh, Yekaterinoslav, anarchists came out with weapons in their hands. Raids and expropriations of mansions became more frequent in Moscow. Although the leaders of the anarchists have repeatedly stated that "no action against the Soviets will be allowed," the threat of the action of the "black guard" detachments was obvious.
Anarchists fought against the dictatorship of the proletariat for such ideals of the revolution as the transfer of land to peasants and factories - to workers (and not to the state), the creation of free non-party Soviets (not hierarchical authorities, but based on the principle of delegating organs of people's self-government), general arming of the people, etc. . Therefore, the anarchists were very resolutely opposed to the "white" counter-revolution.
Many criminals penetrated the environment of anarchists, who understood the ideas of anarchism in an extremely vulgar way. Spontaneous anarchism also arose, engulfing a part of the soldiers and sailors of the decaying old army, who sometimes turned into ordinary bandit groups operating under the flag of anarchism.
Since the middle of 1918, the Russian anarchist movement has been going through a period of splits, interspersed with temporary associations of individual groups.
The Moscow Federation of Anarchist Groups was dissolved in April 1918. On its basis, the Union of Anarchist-Syndicalist Communists, the Union of Moscow Anarchists and the so-called First Central Sociotechnical School arose. The program of activity of the anarchists, regardless of their shades, increasingly assumed an anti-Bolshevik content and form. The main criticism was directed against the construction of the Soviet state. Some anarchists, recognizing the idea of a transitional period in the form of a Republic of Soviets, invested in it a stateless content. “Free Voice of Labor”, an organ of anarchist-syndicalists, defined the task as follows: “... The Republic of Soviets, that is, the dispersion of power over local Soviets, communities (urban and rural communes), the organization of free Soviet cities and villages, their federation through the Soviets - that’s the task of the anarcho-syndicalists in the coming communal revolution." The anarchists considered the organization of management to be generally necessary: with this they associated the electoral principle, but not in the form of representation, which they considered a bourgeois offspring, but in the form of delegation - “free councils”, which establish connections on the principles of federation, without any centralizing principle. .
The slogan of a “third revolution”—against the “party of stagnation and reaction” (as they dubbed the Bolshevik Party)—would increasingly grip members of anarchist organizations. Like the Left SRs, they accused the Bolsheviks of "dividing the working people into two hostile camps" and "inciting the workers to crusade into the countryside."
Anarchist-communists took an active part in the development of the economic transformation of society. Common to them was the thesis about the economic failure of the Bolsheviks because of their commitment to the methods of political violence and the removal of workers from the management of production. Anarchist communists substantiated their own concept of "economic labor revolution" as opposed to the workers' control of the Bolsheviks, the concept of socialization instead of Bolshevik nationalization.
At the same time, not all anarchist leaders were so unambiguous about the policy of the Bolsheviks.
At the Fifth All-Russian Congress of Soviets, anarchist representatives assessed the food policy of the Council of People's Commissars as an attempt to "get closer to the peasant poor ... to awaken their independence and organize them." This group of "Soviet anarchists" began to help the Bolsheviks in building a socialist society. The dictatorship of the proletariat was supported by a part of the anarchist-syndicalists.
During 1918 - 1919. anarchists sought to organize their forces and expand their social base. They tried to achieve this by diametrically opposed means. On the one hand, cooperation, albeit inconsistent, with the Bolsheviks. On the other hand, in March 1919 they, together with the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, tried to provoke workers' strikes. At the end of March 1919, the Central Committee of the RCP(b) decided on measures to combat such activities: a number of anarchist publications were closed, some of their leaders were arrested. On June 13, at a meeting of the Central Committee of the RCP(b), it was decided to allow the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee to personally release the arrested in some cases. Anarchist leaders were also released on bail. Most of the anarchists switched to the positions of "active terror" and armed struggle against the Soviet regime.
Anarchist movement in Ukraine. Nestor Makhno.
The most striking episode of the civil war in Russia, associated with the anarchist movement, of course, was the activity of the Insurrectionary Army led by N.I. Makhno. The peasant movement in Ukraine was broader than anarchism itself, although the leaders of the movement used anarchist ideology.
The roots of the Makhnovshchina lie in the insurrectionary movement of the Ukrainian people against the German occupation and the Hetmanate. It originated in the spring of 1918 in the form of partisan detachments that fought the Germans, Austrians and the hetman's "sovereign Varta". Makhno also belonged to one of these detachments in the Gulyai-Polsky district of the Yekaterinoslav province.
Nestor Ivanovich Makhno (Mikhnenko) was born into a peasant family in the Ukrainian village of Gulyai-Pole, Zaporozhye region, in 1888. He graduated from the Gulyai-Polskaya elementary school (1897). Since 1903, he worked at the iron foundry of M. Kerner in Gulyai-Pole. From the end of August - the beginning of September 1906, he was a member of the Youth Circle of the Ukrainian Anarchist-Communist Grain Growers Group, which operated in Gulyai-Pole. Participated in several robberies on behalf of communist anarchists. He was arrested several times, was imprisoned, and in 1908 was sentenced to death, which was then replaced by indefinite hard labor. The following year he was transferred to the hard labor department of the Butyrskaya prison in Moscow. In the cell, Makhno met the famous anarchist activist, former Bolshevik Pyotr Arshinov, who would become a significant figure in the history of the Makhnovshchina in the future. Arshinov took up the ideological preparation of Makhno.
After the February Revolution, Makhno, like many other prisoners, both political and criminal, was released early from prison and returned to Gulyai-Polye. There he was elected deputy chairman of the volost zemstvo. Soon he created the Black Guard group, and with its help established a personal dictatorship in the village. Makhno considered dictatorship a necessary form of government for the final victory of the revolution and declared that “if possible, we must throw out the bourgeoisie and take positions with our people”.
In March 1917, Makhno became chairman of the Gulyai-Pole Peasants' Union. He advocated immediate radical revolutionary changes, before the convocation of the Constituent Assembly. In June 1917, at the initiative of Makhno, workers' control was established at the enterprises of the village; in July, with the support of supporters, Makhno dispersed the former composition of the zemstvo, held new elections, became chairman of the zemstvo, and at the same time declared himself commissar of the Gulyai-Polsky district. In August 1917, at the initiative of Makhno, a committee of laborers was created at the Gulyai-Pol Soviet of Workers' and Peasants' Deputies, whose activities were directed against local landowners; in the same month he was elected a delegate to the provincial congress of the Peasants' Union in Yekaterinoslav.
In the summer of 1917, Makhno headed the "committee for the salvation of the revolution", disarmed the landowners and the bourgeoisie in the region. At the district Congress of Soviets (mid-August 1917) he was elected chairman and, together with other anarchists, called on the peasants to ignore the orders of the Provisional Government and the Central Rada, proposed “Immediately take away church and landlord land and organize a free agricultural commune on estates, if possible with the participation of the landlords and kulaks themselves in these communes”.
On September 25, 1917, Makhno signed a decree of the district council on the nationalization of the land and its division among the peasants. From December 1 to December 5, 1917, in Yekaterinoslav, Makhno took part in the work of the provincial congress of Soviets of workers', peasants' and soldiers' deputies, as a delegate from the Gulyai-Polye Soviet; supported the demand of the majority of delegates to convene the All-Ukrainian Congress of Soviets; elected to the judicial commission of the Alexander Revolutionary Committee to consider the cases of persons arrested by the Soviet government. Soon after the arrests of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, he began to express dissatisfaction with the actions of the judicial commission, proposed to blow up the city prison and release the arrested. He reacted negatively to the elections to the Constituent Assembly, called the current situation a “card game”: “The parties will not serve the people, but the people will serve the parties. Already now ... only his name is mentioned in the affairs of the people, and the affairs of the party are decided.. Not having received support in the Revolutionary Committee, he left its composition. After the capture of Yekaterinoslav by the forces of the Central Rada (December 1917), he initiated an emergency congress of Soviets of the Gulyai-Pole region, which passed a resolution demanding the "death of the Central Rada" and spoke in favor of organizing the forces opposing it. January 4, 1918 resigned as chairman of the Council, decided to take an active position in the fight against the opponents of the revolution. He welcomed the victory of the revolutionary forces in Yekaterinoslav. Soon he headed the Gulyai-Polye Revolutionary Committee, created from representatives of anarchists, left SRs and Ukrainian socialist revolutionaries.
The anarchist influence on the insurgent movement of Makhno increased significantly due to the appearance among the rebels of visiting anarchists of various directions. The highest command positions in Makhno's rebel army were occupied by the most prominent anarchists. V.M. Volin was at the head of the Revolutionary Military Council, P.A. Arshinov headed the cultural education department and edited the newspapers of the Makhnovists. V.M. Volin, one might say, was the main theoretician, and Arshinov was the political leader of the Makhnovshchina. Influencing the views of Makhno, they determined the goals and objectives of the insurrection. Nestor Makhno himself, more than other anarchists, was subject to the idea of anarchy and never retreated from it. An alliance with the Bolsheviks was seen by them as a tactical necessity. The agreement concluded with the Bolsheviks of Yekaterinoslav on the joint struggle against the Petliurists in December 1918 was carried out very inconsistently. Having driven the Petliurists out of the city, the Makhnovist army showed itself in all its anarchist "brilliance". Prominent anarchists in Makhno's army did not disdain using their "official" position for personal enrichment.
In July 1918 Makhno met with Lenin and Sverdlov. To the latter, Makhno introduced himself as an anarchist-communist of the Bakunin-Kropotkin persuasion. Makhno later recalled that Lenin, pointing to the fanaticism and short-sightedness of the anarchists, noted at the same time that he considers Makhno himself "a man of reality and ebullition of the day" and if there were at least one third of such anarchist-communists in Russia, then the communists willing to work with them. According to Makhno, Lenin tried to convince him that the attitude of the Bolsheviks towards the anarchists was not so hostile and was largely due to the behavior of the anarchists themselves. “I felt that I was beginning to revere Lenin, whom I recently confidently considered responsible for the destruction of anarchist organizations in Moscow,” writes Makhno. In the end, both came to the conclusion that it was impossible to fight the enemies of the revolution without sufficient organization of the masses and firm discipline.
However, immediately after this conversation, Makhno called on his comrades in Gulyai-Pole to “destroy the slave system”, live freely and “independently of the state and its officials, even if they are red.” Thus, with any hesitation, Makhno, as a rule, took the side of anarchism. Makhno came close to the Bolsheviks and was ready to completely merge with them, but the influence of anarchism on his worldview and psychology remained predominant.
In January-February 1919, Makhno organized a series of pogroms of German colonists in the Gulyai-Pole area, interfered with the activities of the Soviet government aimed at a class split in the village (“committees of the poor”, surplus appraisal); urged the peasants to put into practice the idea of "equal land tenure based on their own labor".
In February 1919, Makhno convened the 2nd District Congress of Gulyai-Pole Soviets. The congress resolution gave the same assessment to the White Guards, the imperialists, the Soviet government, the Petliurists and the Bolsheviks, who were accused of conciliating with imperialism.
The Makhnovist detachments united heterogeneous elements, including a small percentage of workers. Under the influence, first of all, of anarchism, the Makhnovshchina was a politically loose movement. In essence, it was a movement of peasant revolutionism. The position of the Makhnovists on the land issue was quite definite: the 2nd District Congress of Soviets spoke out against the state farms decreed by the Ukrainian Soviet government, demanded the transfer of land to the peasants on an equalizing principle. Nestor Makhno called himself a peasant leader.
In the context of the offensive of the troops of General A. I. Denikin to Ukraine in mid-February 1919, Makhno concluded a military agreement with the command of the Red Army and on February 21, 1919 became the commander of the 3rd brigade of the 1st Zadneprovskaya division, which fought against Denikin's troops on the Mariupol- Volnovakha.
For the raid on Mariupol on March 27, 1919, which slowed down the White advance on Moscow, brigade commander Makhno was awarded the Order of the Red Banner, number 4.
Nestor Ivanovich repeatedly expressed dissatisfaction with the emergency policy of the Soviet government in the liberated areas. On April 10, 1919, at the 3rd District Congress of Soviets of the Gulyai-Polsky District, he was elected honorary chairman; in his speech, he stated that the Soviet government had betrayed the "October principles", and the Communist Party legitimized the government and "protected itself with emergency measures." Makhno signed a resolution of the congress, which expressed disapproval of the decisions of the 3rd All-Ukrainian Congress of Soviets (March 1919) on the land issue (on the nationalization of land), a protest against the Cheka and the policy of the Bolsheviks, a demand for the removal of all persons appointed by the Bolsheviks from military and civilian posts; at the same time, the Makhnovists demanded the "socialization" of land, factories and plants; food policy changes; freedom of speech, press and assembly to all left-wing parties and groups; personal integrity; abandoning the dictatorship of the communist party; freedom of elections to the Soviets of Working Peasants and Workers.
From April 15, 1919, Makhno led a brigade as part of the 1st Ukrainian Soviet Army. After the beginning of the rebellion of the commander of the Red Army N. A. Grigoriev (May 7), Makhno took a wait-and-see attitude, then took the side of the Red Army and personally shot Grigoriev. In May 1919, at a meeting of rebel commanders in Mariupol, Makhno supported the initiative to create a separate rebel army.
The population supported Makhno because he fought for things that every peasant understood: for land and freedom, for people's self-government based on a federation of non-party Soviets.
Makhno did not allow Jewish pogroms on his territory (which were then commonplace in the territories controlled by the Petliurists or Grigorievites), severely punished marauders and, relying on the bulk of the peasantry, was harsh with the landowners and the kulaks. The Makhnovsky district was a relatively free place: political agitation of all socialist parties and groups was allowed in it: from the Bolsheviks to the Socialist Revolutionaries. The Makhnovsky district was perhaps the most “free economic zone”, where there were various forms of land use (of course, except for the landowners) - both communes, and cooperatives, and private labor peasant farms (without using the labor of farm laborers).
In the literature one can find striking characteristics of anarchist leaders. Before us appear very colorful figures of prominent anarchists.
For example, as A. Vetlugin describes, A. L. Gordin - "a little lame man ... surpassed both Martov and Bukharin, the first - by ugliness, the second - by anger." Deadly aptly said about him A.A. Borovoy: “Gordin, of course, is the Russian Marat, but Charlotte Corday is not afraid of him, because he never takes a bath! ..” He spat on everyone and everything. Kropotkin and Lenin, Longuet and Brusilov, allied ambassadors and Swiss socialists, owners of printing houses and General Mannerheim. Money was needed - and Gordin, without a moment's hesitation, organizes raids on private apartments ...
The most impromptu, most conscious, internally justified, perhaps ennobled was the anarchism of Lev Cherny. In his younger years he was close to the Marxists... Disillusioned with the socialist idea, Cherny did not believe in the goodness of any power, but even anarchy did not deceive him in its idealism. Sometimes it seemed that, first of all, he wanted to persuade himself ... Gordin - the commander in chief; Barmash - tribune; Leo Black - conscience. Wisdom and erudition were represented by Alexei Solonovich, a pupil of the old world, at the age of twenty he was a novice of the Svyatogorsk monastery, at twenty-six he was a Privatdozent of Moscow University at the Department of Mathematics.
Thus, during the years of the Civil War, anarchism experienced a painful process of disengagement and, as a result, organizational splits, which led to a change in political orientation: a transition to pro-Bolshevik positions or going to the camp of anti-Bolshevik forces, with all the ensuing consequences.
Civil War- This is a period of sharp class clashes within the state between various social groups. In Russia, it began in 1918 and was the result of the nationalization of all land, the elimination of landownership, the transfer of factories and factories into the hands of the working people. In addition, in October 1917, the dictatorship of the proletariat was established.
In Russia, civil war was exacerbated by military intervention.
The main participants in the war.
In November-December 1917, the Volunteer Army was created on the Don. That's how it was formed white movement. The white color symbolized law and order. The tasks of the white movement: the fight against the Bolsheviks and the restoration of a united and indivisible Russia. The volunteer army was headed by General Kornilov, and after his death in the battle near Ekaterinodar, General A.I. Denikin took command.
Established in January 1918 Red Army Bolsheviks. At first, it was built on the principles of voluntariness and on the basis of a class approach - only from workers. But after a series of serious defeats, the Bolsheviks returned to the traditional, "bourgeois" principles of army formation on the basis of universal military service and unity of command.
The third force was Green rebels”, or “green army men” (also “green partisans”, “Green movement”, “third force”) - a generalized name for irregular, mainly peasant and Cossack armed formations that opposed foreign invaders, Bolsheviks and White Guards. They had national-democratic, anarchist, and also, sometimes, goals close to early Bolshevism. The former demanded the convocation of a Constituent Assembly, while others were supporters of anarchy and free Soviets. In everyday life, there were the concepts of "red-green" (more gravitating towards red) and "white-green". Green and black, as well as a combination of both, were often used as the colors of the rebels' banners. The specific options depended on the political orientation - anarchists, socialists, etc., just like "self-defense units" without pronounced political predilections.
The main stages of the war:
spring - autumn 1918 d. - rebellion of the White Czechs; the first foreign landings in Murmansk and the Far East; the campaign of the army of P. N. Krasnov against Tsaritsyn; the creation by the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks of the Committee of the Constituent Assembly in the Volga region; Social Revolutionary uprisings in Moscow, Yaroslavl, Rybinsk; intensification of “red” and “white” terror; the creation of the Workers' and Peasants' Defense Council in November 1918 (V. I. Lenin) and the Revolutionary Military Council (L. D. Trotsky); the proclamation of the republic as a single military camp;
autumn 1918 - spring 1919 d. - intensification of foreign intervention in connection with the end of the world war; annulment of the terms of the Brest-Litovsk peace in connection with the revolution in Germany;
spring 1919 - spring 1920 g. - performance of the armies of white generals: campaigns of A. V. Kolchak (spring-summer 1919), A. I. Denikin (summer 1919 - spring 1920), two campaigns of N. N. Yudenich against Petrograd;
April - November 1920- the Soviet-Polish war and the fight against P. N. Wrangel. With the liberation of the Crimea by the end of 1920, the main hostilities ended.
In 1922 the Far East was liberated. The country began to move to a peaceful life.
Both the “white” and “red” camps were heterogeneous. So, the Bolsheviks defended socialism, part of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries were for the Soviets without the Bolsheviks. Whites included monarchists and republicans (liberals); the anarchists (N. I. Makhno) spoke first on one side, then on the other.
From the very beginning of the Civil War, military conflicts affected almost all national outskirts, centrifugal tendencies intensified in the country.
The victory of the Bolsheviks in the Civil War was due to:
the concentration of all forces (which was facilitated by the policy of “war communism”);
the transformation of the Red Army into a real military force headed by a number of talented military leaders (due to the use of professional military specialists from among the former tsarist officers);
the purposeful use of all the economic resources of the central part of European Russia that remained in their hands;
support for the national outskirts and Russian peasants, deceived by the Bolshevik slogan "Land to the peasants";
lack of general command among whites,
support for Soviet Russia on the part of labor movements and communist parties in other countries.
Results and consequences of the Civil War. The Bolsheviks won a military-political victory: the resistance of the White Army was suppressed, Soviet power was established throughout the country, including in most national regions, conditions were created for strengthening the dictatorship of the proletariat and implementing socialist transformations. The price of this victory was huge human losses (more than 15 million people were killed, died of hunger and disease), mass emigration (more than 2.5 million people), economic ruin, the tragedy of entire social groups (officers, Cossacks, intelligentsia, nobility, clergy and etc.), society's addiction to violence and terror, the break in historical and spiritual traditions, the split into reds and whites.
In addition to the "Reds" and "Whites", the "Greens" also took part in the Civil War in Russia. Historians have mixed opinions about this category of those who fought, some consider them bandits, while others speak of them as defenders of their lands and freedom.
According to the historian Ruslan Gagkuev, the Civil War in Russia led to the destruction of the foundations that had developed over the centuries, as a result of which there were no losers in those battles, only those who were destroyed. The inhabitants of the villages tried to protect their lands as much as possible. This was the reason for the appearance in 1917 of rebel groups, which were called "green".
These groups of people formed armed formations and hid in the forests, trying to avoid mobilization.
There is another version of the origin of the name of these units. According to General A. Denikin, these insurgent detachments got their name after Zeleny, one of the atamans from the Poltava province, who fought with both the Whites and the Reds.
Members of the green detachments did not wear uniforms, their clothes consisted of ordinary peasant shirts and trousers, and on their heads they put on woolen caps or sheepskin caps with a green cross sewn on them. Their flag was also green.
It should be noted that the rural population was distinguished by good combat skills even before the war and were always ready to stand up for themselves with pitchforks and axes. Even before the revolution, the newspapers now and then appeared articles about the widespread clashes between the villages.
When the First World War ended, a large number of rural residents who took part in hostilities took rifles with them from the front, and some even machine guns. It was dangerous for strangers to enter such villages.
Even army troops had to ask village elders for permission to pass through such settlements. Not always the decision of the elders was positive. In 1919, the influence of the Red Army became stronger, and many peasants hid in the forests, hiding from the mobilization.
One of the most famous representatives of the "greens" was Nestor Makhno, who made a kind of career from a political prisoner to the commander of the green army, which included 55 thousand people. Makhno fought on the side of the Red Army, and for the capture of Mariupol he received the Order of the Red Banner.
However, the main activity of the greens from the detachment of Nestor Makhno was the robbery of wealthy people and landlords. At the same time, neither the Makhnovists often killed prisoners.
In the early years of the Civil War, the Greens remained neutral, then fought on the side of the Red Army, but after 1920 they began to oppose everyone.
Another of the brightest representatives of the Green Army was A. Antonov, who was also a member of the Left Social Revolutionaries, known as the leader of the Tambov Uprising of 1921-22. All members of his detachment were “comrades”, and they carried out their activities under the slogan “For Justice”. At the same time, not all participants in the green movement were confident in their victory, which can be confirmed in the rebel songs.
In Russia, the brutality of the civil war was due to the breakdown of the traditional
Russian statehood and the destruction of the age-old foundations of life. rural people
entire villages, and even volosts, sought to protect the islands at any cost
their little world from an external deadly threat, especially since they had experience
peasant wars. This was the main reason for the emergence of a third force in
1917-1923 - "green rebels". "Green" movement during the Civil War
wars are mass actions of peasants directed against the main
contenders for the seizure of power in the country - the Bolsheviks, the Whites and foreign
interventionists. As a rule, they saw the governing bodies of the state as free
Councils formed as a result of the independent expression of the will of all citizens and
alien to any form of appointment from above. Green and black, as well as their combination
often used as the color of the banners of the rebels.
war, already because its main force is the peasants
were the majority of the country's population. From
which of the opposing sides they
will provide support, often depended on the course of the Civil
war in general. It was well understood by all
combatants and tried to the best of their ability
attract millions of dollars to your side
peasant masses. However, this is not always
succeeded, and then the confrontation took
extreme forms. In the Central part of Russia
the attitude of the peasants towards the Bolsheviks was
dual character. On the one hand, they
supported after the well-known decree on land,
secured the landowners' land for the peasants, with
on the other hand, wealthy peasants and a large
Part
middle peasants
spoke
against
food
politicians
Bolsheviks
And
forced seizure of agricultural products
economy.
socially
alien
peasants
the White Guard movement also rarely found
them support. Despite the fact that in the ranks of the white
many villagers served in the army, most of them
was taken by force.
Peasant army of Nestor Makhno.
A typical commander of the "greens" was Nestor Makhno. Hepassed a difficult path from a political prisoner due to participation in
anarchist group "Union of Poor Grain Growers" to
commander of the "Green Army", numbering 55 thousand
man in 1919. He and his fighters were allies
Red Army. Makhno gave a special character to the army
anarchism, whose adherents were both
commander-in-chief and most of his commanders. IN
most attractive to this idea was the theory
"social"
revolution,
destructive
any
state power and thus eliminating
main instrument of violence against a person. Main
the position of the program of old man Makhno was the people's
self-government and rejection of any form of diktat. If in
beginning and in the middle of the Civil War, the "greens" either
adhered to
neutrality
or
more often
Total
sympathized with the Soviet government, then in 1920-1923 they
fought against everyone. For example, on carts of one
commander "Batko Angel" was written: "Beat the Reds until
if they don't turn white, beat the whites until they turn red.
Popular movement under the leadership of A. S. Antonov.
The most prominent representative of the "greens" is a member of the partyLeft Social Revolutionaries A. S. Antonov. Under his leadership, no less powerful
and a large-scale movement of the "greens" was observed in the Tambov
provinces and in the Volga region. By the name of its leader, it received
the name "Antonovshchina". He, like other leaders of the "green"
movement, put forward clear and simple slogans, understandable to everyone
peasant. Chief among them was the call to fight the communists for
building a free peasant republic. In these areas
peasants in September 1917 took control
landed estates and began to actively develop them. When in 1919
a large-scale surplus appraisal began, and people began to take away
the fruits of their labor, this caused the sharpest reaction and forced
peasants take up arms. They had something to protect. In the army
Antonov, the word "comrade" was in use, and the struggle was conducted under
banner "For Justice". The struggle took on a special intensity in
1920, when a severe drought occurred in the Tambov region,
destroying most of the crop. In these difficult conditions,
what nevertheless managed to be collected was withdrawn in favor of the Red Army and
townspeople. As a result of such actions by the authorities, a
a popular uprising that engulfed several counties. It took
participation of about 4,000 armed peasants and more than 10,000 people with
pitchforks and braids. As a result, the uprising soon spread to
other areas and has taken on an even larger scale. Bolshevik
it cost the government enormous efforts to suppress it in 1921.
Reasons for the defeat of the green.
Lack of a clear political program.The movement was not politically organized.
The partisan detachments could not
confront regular military units.
