politician, leader of the Cadet Party, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Provisional Government, publicist and pro-Western historian.
From an ancient noble family. The son of professor-architect Nikolai Pavlovich Milyukov. He was educated at home, graduated from the 1st Moscow Gymnasium (1877). In the summer of 1877 he was in Transcaucasia as the treasurer of the military economy, and then - the authorized representative of the Moscow sanitary detachment. In September 1877 entered the Faculty of History and Philology of Moscow University, among his teachers were P.G. Vinogradov, V.O. Klyuchevsky and N.S. Tikhonravov.
Scientific activity
Since 1886, Privatdozent at Moscow University, he simultaneously taught at the gymnasium and at the Higher Women's Courses; in 1892 he was awarded a master's degree in Russian history for his dissertation on the topic “The State Economy of Russia in the First Quarter of the 18th Century. and the reforms of Peter the Great ”(he was also awarded the S.M. Solovyov Prize). From 1892 to 1895 he taught the course "History of Russian culture" at the university. In 1895, Milyukov was dismissed from the university with a ban on teaching "for a harmful influence on young people" and because of "extreme political unreliability" and was exiled to Ryazan, where in 1895-1897. participated in archaeological excavations. In 1897, Milyukov was invited to Bulgaria, where he was offered a course of lectures on history at the Sofia Higher School. In 1898 he was suspended from teaching at the request of the Russian authorities. Milyukov traveled to Macedonia, took part in an archaeological expedition. He described his impressions in Letters from the Road, which were published in Russkiye Vedomosti.
Gradually, Milyukov formed his own view of history. He denied the laws of the historical process, contrasted the historical development of Russia and the West, and, based on the theory of the eternal cultural backwardness of Rus', drew a conclusion about the progressive role of foreign borrowings, etc. Milyukov wanted to prove that the popular masses in Russia have always been marked by inertia. In addition, Milyukov argued that the decisive role in the history of the country was played by state power, which had a supra-class character.
Political activity
In 1899 Milyukov returned to Russia, to St. Petersburg. A year later, in February 1900, he chaired the evening, which was dedicated to the memory of P.A. Lavrov. For the "memorial word" he uttered, Milyukov was arrested and sentenced to 6 months in prison with a ban on living in the capital after the end of the prison term. V.O. stood up for Milyukov. Klyuchevsky, who turned to the emperor with a request to reduce the term of imprisonment; in the end, the imprisonment was cut almost in half.
In 1902, Milyukov prepared a draft policy statement for the Osvobozhdeniye magazine, and a year later, in 1903, he undertook a long trip abroad, which lasted until 1905. During this trip, Milyukov lectured in the USA about Russia and the Slavs. In the winter of 1903-1904. he lived in England and met in London with N.V. Tchaikovsky, P.A. Kropotkin, E.K. Breshko-Breshkovskaya, R. Macdonald. In addition, he had a meeting with V.I. Lenin, visited Canada, where he prepared the publication of the book "Russia and Its Crisis".
In April 1905 Milyukov returned to Russia. On May 24, at the opening congress of the Union of Unions, he was elected its chairman. Miliukov succeeded in persuading the congress to accept his proposed appeal to society and the people, in which the idea of convening a Constituent Assembly was put forward. Milyukov set himself the task of creating, not a revolutionary, but a constitutional party, in his words, the task of this party should be the struggle against "parliamentary means."
At the founding congress of the Constitutional Democratic Party, which took place in October 1905, Milyukov was instructed to deliver an introductory address to the congress and a report on tactics. He prepared his appeal, but the final decisions on the tactics, ideology and organization of the "People's Freedom" Party (PNS) were taken only at its 2nd congress, held in January 1906. Since 1905, a member, since 1907, the chairman Party Central Committee. Since February 1906, co-editor (together with I.V. Gessen) of the main Cadet newspaper Rech; Miliukov himself published extensively in the newspaper and was the author of almost all of its editorials.
Deputy of the State Duma
Milyukov was not elected to the 1st State Duma; opposition from the authorities affected, although the formal pretext for removal from participation in the elections was the non-compliance with the requirements of the housing qualification. After the dissolution of the Duma, he was one of the drafters of the Vyborg Appeal, which called on the population to civil disobedience. Due to the participation of Milyukov in the drafting of the Vyborg Appeal, he was forbidden to participate in the elections to the 2nd State Duma.
In the fall of 1907, Milyukov was elected to the 3rd State Duma. As chairman of the Cadets faction, it was Milyukov who took upon himself all the speeches in the Duma on questions that concerned a constitutional and political nature. However, the main specialty to which Milyukov turned his attention was questions of foreign policy.
At the Extraordinary session of the Duma, on the occasion of the outbreak of the First World War, on July 26, 1914, Milyukov read out a statement he had written, which was approved by the Central Committee of the party: “We are fighting for the liberation of the Motherland from foreign invasion, for the liberation of Europe and the Slavs from German hegemony ... In this struggle we are united; we don't set conditions, we don't demand anything." Because of this statement and Milyukov's desire to fight the war to a victorious end, he was called the "leader of the Duma opposition."
In the summer of 1915, Milyukov became one of the main initiators of the creation of the Progressive Bloc. As he himself wrote in his memoirs: “They called me the 'author of the bloc', the 'leader of the bloc', and they expected me to direct the policy of the bloc. … It was the high point of my career.” The bloc's program was as follows: the creation of a government of persons who enjoy the confidence of the country; a radical change in management methods and the creation of a common administration for political crimes; equalization of peasants with other classes; reform of city and land institutions, etc. At the same time, Milyukov took an active part in organizing and directing a large-scale slanderous campaign in the press aimed at discrediting the government and the royal family.
On November 1, 1916, Milyukov delivered his famous speech in the Duma, which was banned for publication, but was distributed on lists throughout the country. In his speech, Milyukov categorically and without any evidence accused Empress Alexandra Feodorovna and Russian Prime Minister B.V. Sturmer in the preparation of a separate peace with Germany. In his memoirs, Milyukov wrote: “I spoke about rumors, about “treason” ... about the actions of the government that arouse public indignation, and in each case I left the listeners to decide whether it was “stupidity” or “treason” ... But I masked the most powerful part of the speech with a quote “ Neue Freie Press. The name of the empress was mentioned there in connection with the names of the camarilla surrounding her ... ". One of the results of Milyukov's slanderous speech was another government crisis and the resignation of B.V. Stürmer.
On February 27, 1917, at a private meeting of the Duma, Milyukov proposed to wait a little while until the nature of the movement was clear, and in the meantime to create a temporary committee of Duma members to restore order in the country. This proposal was accepted, and Milyukov was elected a member of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma. At meetings of the Progressive Bloc and the Provisional Committee, Miliukov actively participated in the discussion of all questions of the revolution, including the composition of the government.
On March 2, Milyukov delivered a speech in the Catherine Hall of the Tauride Palace and announced the composition of the Provisional Government headed by Prince G.E. Lvov. About the emperor and the Romanov dynasty, Milyukov spoke quite clearly: “The old despot, who brought Russia to complete ruin, will voluntarily renounce the throne - or be deposed. Power will pass to the regent, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. Alexei will be the heir. However, on March 3, it became known that Nicholas II had abdicated in favor of his brother. Therefore, at a meeting of the Provisional Committee and members of the Provisional Government with the participation of Mikhail Alexandrovich, Milyukov opposed the abdication of the Grand Duke. He argued his position by the fact that strong power is necessary to strengthen the new order, but it also needs to be supported by a symbol of power, to which the masses are already accustomed. However, such statements did not find support among the majority of the leaders of the Progressive Bloc.
Foreign Secretary
In the first composition of the Provisional Government, Milyukov served as Minister of Foreign Affairs. One of his first steps in his new post was to order the embassies to assist in the return of revolutionary emigrants to Russia. Also, Milyukov continued to adhere to his position of the war to a victorious end, and therefore he was determined to work and advocate for the fulfillment by Russia of its obligations to the allies in the Entente. However, this caused even more indignation on the part of the left parties, as well as the Petrograd Soviet. The left increased pressure on the government and demanded that it immediately turn to the allies with a proposal to abandon "annexations and indemnities." When he expressed his disagreement with such a decision, a new campaign began against Milyukov as Minister of Foreign Affairs and someone who could directly contact the Allies.
Due to the heavy defeats suffered at the front, as well as economic difficulties and anti-war revolutionary agitation, a sharply negative attitude towards the continuation of the war spread in Russia. The Statement of the Provisional Government of March 27 (April 9), 1917 spoke of full compliance with the obligations assumed in relation to the allies. However, at the same time, the Statement contained provisions that allowed them to hope for an early end to hostilities (for example, the rejection of annexations and indemnities, etc.). Due to some concern on the part of the allies, which was caused by the ambiguity of the Statement of the Provisional Government, on April 18 Milyukov attached his accompanying note (the so-called "Milyukov's Note"), which was an additional document to the Statement and which set out the point of view of the country's leadership on Russia's participation in the war. In a note, Milyukov stated that the position of the Provisional Government did not give any reason to think about the weakening of the role of Russia in the common allied struggle and proclaimed the popular desire to bring the world war to a victorious end. The note gave rise to the April Crisis, which was the first armed demonstration against the Provisional Government on 20 and 21 April. The participants in this demonstration demanded the resignation of Milyukov from the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs. In a similar situation, Milyukov was forced to resign on May 2 (15), 1917.
Emigration
After his resignation, he continued his political activities as the leader of the Cadet Party, supported the Kornilov movement (after the defeat of the speech, he was forced to leave Petrograd for the Crimea). Milyukov reacted sharply negatively to the coming to power of the Bolsheviks, was a consistent supporter of the armed struggle against them. On November 14, Milyukov was elected to the Constituent Assembly, but did not participate in its activities, since he left for the Don.
Having moved from the Don to Kyiv, Milyukov came into contact with the command of the German troops (May 1918), as he considered Germany as a potential ally in the fight against the Bolsheviks. The Central Committee of the Kadet Party condemned such a policy, and Milyukov resigned from his duties as chairman of the Central Committee. At the end of October, he recognized his policy towards the German army as erroneous. From the end of 1918, Milyukov was abroad (in Romania, Paris, London).
Two years later, in 1920, Milyukov settled in Paris. There he became editor-in-chief of the influential foreign Russian newspaper Posledniye Novosti, a position he held from March 1921 to 1941. During his emigration, Pavel Nikolaevich wrote a number of works on the history of the revolution and the civil war.
In 1922, during a speech in Berlin, Milyukov was assassinated by monarchists, but the bullet hit V.D. Nabokov, who covered it with himself.
On the eve of World War II, Milyukov was a determined opponent of Germany, and shortly before his death, he sincerely rejoiced at the victory of the Soviet troops at Stalingrad. In 1954, after the lease of the grave had expired, the ashes were transferred to Paris, to the Batignolles cemetery, where he was buried next to A.S. Milyukova.
Family
1st marriage, Milyukov was married to the daughter of the rector of the Moscow Theological Academy, Anna Sergeevna Smirnova (1861 - 1935); 2nd marriage - to Nina Vasilievna Grigorievna (1881 - 1960). Children: Nikolai (1889-1957), Sergei (1894-1915), Natalya (1898-1921).
Member of the III and IV State Duma. One of the founders of the Cadet Party, a member of the Central Committee, in 1907 (March-October) and in 1916 (February) - Chairman of the Central Committee of the Cadet Party. Chairman of the Cadets faction in the State Duma. Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Provisional Government.
Corner of Sivtsev Vrazhka and Starokonyushenny Lane (photo from the beginning of the 20th century)
Pavel Nikolaevich Milyukov - a hereditary nobleman, was born in Moscow in the family of an architect. The Milyukovs lived on the Arbat in Starokonyushenny Lane. Pavel graduated from the First Moscow Gymnasium in Sivtsevo Vrazhek, whose graduates were famous for their high level of intellectual development. From early youth, he was attracted by the humanitarian field of knowledge, he was interested in the work of ancient authors, classical music, and wrote poetry.
At the end of the gymnasium P.N. Milyukov, together with his friend, Prince P.D. Dolgorukov volunteered for the Russian-Turkish war. True, he served not in combat units, but as a treasurer of the military economy, and then as an authorized representative of the Moscow sanitary detachment in Transcaucasia. And yet, for his military past, he eventually received from his friends the comic nickname Milyukov-Dardanelles.
Cartoon "Milyukov-Dardanelles"
Upon returning to Moscow, P.N. Milyukov entered the Faculty of History and Philology of Moscow University. In 1879, after the death of his father, Nikolai Pavlovich Milyukov, the family was on the verge of ruin, and Milyukov was forced to give lessons for a penny in order to somehow provide for his mother.
At the university, Milyukov's interest in political activity was manifested. He began to take an active part in student gatherings. In 1881, “for politics,” he ended up in Butyrka prison under arrest. The arrest lasted only a few hours, but Milyukov was expelled from the university. He was able to complete his education and receive a diploma only a year later.
As a historian, P. Milyukov was strongly influenced by the prominent scientists V.O. Klyuchevsky and P.G. Vinogradov. After graduating from the university in 1882, he remained at the historical department to work on his master's thesis. IN At the end of 1890, the journal of the Ministry of Public Education began publishing his master's thesis "The State Economy of Russia in the First Quarter of the 18th Century and the Reform of Peter the Great." In 1892, it was published as a separate 600-page edition, which carefully analyzed the vast archival material. The first work of the young historian was awarded the S.M. Solovyov, forced to talk about him as a serious researcher.
University of Moscow
In the same 1892, the dissertation was submitted for defense. The professors of Moscow University highly appreciated the work of the young colleague, the Academic Council even discussed the proposal to award Miliukov a doctorate right away. However, V.O. Klyuchevsky opposed, considering it premature. The relationship between teacher and student was forever damaged. But they had a great friendship.
Leonid Pasternak. At the lecture of Professor Klyuchevsky (photo of the painting from Wikipedia)
It was in the house of V.O. Klyuchevsky, Milyukov met his future wife Anna Sergeevna Smirnova, the daughter of the rector of the Trinity-Sergius Theological Academy. Three children were born in the family of Pavel Nikolaevich and Anna Sergeevna - sons Nikolai and Sergey and daughter Natalya.
In student circles, P.N. Miliukov enjoyed great respect. The well-known politician, historian and publicist A. Kizevetter, who was a student of Milyukov, recalled: “... Miliukov's lectures made a strong impression on those students who were already preparing to devote themselves to the study of Russian history precisely because we had a lecturer in front of us, introducing us to the current work of his laboratory, and the vigor of this research work infected and animated attentive listeners. The lecturer was young and still far from experienced in public speaking of any kind. Even a small audience of special composition excited him, and more than once during the lecture his face flashed a thick blush. And we liked it. The young lecturer managed to get close to us, and soon we began to visit him at home. These visits were not only pleasant because of the ease of the relationship that was being established, but also very instructive. Right there, with our own eyes, a picture of the tireless work of a scientist who had sunk into his science unfolded before our eyes. His modest apartment was like a second-hand bookstore. There it was impossible to make a single movement without hitting some book. The desk was littered with all sorts of special editions and documents. In this atmosphere, we spent the evenings having pleasant and interesting conversations. .
Alexander Alexandrovich Kizevetter
Milyukov taught at Moscow University for two years, but in 1895 he was fired and sent into exile. The reason for the punishment was his passion for politics - in 1894 he went to Nizhny Novgorod to read educational lectures on the history of the Russian social movement since the time of Catherine II, P.N. Milyukov allowed himself during his speeches bold statements about the need for a state reorganization of Russia.The content of the lectures caused a sharp discontent of the authorities. present at them Nizhny Novgorod vice-governor Tchaikovsky lost his post for this. Milyukov received a denunciation about his connections with the organizers of the First Student Congress, and by order of the Minister of Public Education DelyanovafreethinkerPrivatdozent wasexcommunicated from the university and from Moscow. For "bad influence on the youth" and reading anti-government lectures to an audience that (as the official statement said) could not "critically view" their content, Milyukov was administratively exiled to Ryazan.
After the end of the term of the Ryazan exile, Milyukov, who had not completely abandoned political activity, was faced with a choice: either exile to Ufa, or deportation abroad. At this time, Pavel Nikolaevich received an invitation from Bulgaria - he was offered to replace Professor M.P., who died in 1895. Drahomanov as head of the department of history at Sofia University. It was an honorable and promising offer, and Miliukov went to Bulgaria in the spring of 1897.
In Sofia, he wrote works on the history of the Bulgarian constitution and Serbian-Bulgarian relations. The "Bulgarian period" was fruitful, but did not last long. He had to leave Sofia for a ridiculous and almost anecdotal reason. On December 6, 1898 (O.S.), on the name day of Nicholas II, Milyukov, among other Russian subjects who were in the Bulgarian capital, attended a prayer service for the health of the tsar, but did not appear in the evening at a reception at the Russian ambassador in Sofia Bakhmetiev . This irreverent act caused great irritation, and the Bulgarian government was demanded to dismiss Milyukov from Sofia University.
Sofia University at the beginning of the 20th century
However, during the two years spent in Bulgaria, Milyukov not only taught, but also engaged in a fundamental study of the history and culture of the South Slavs. In Russia, he was later recognized as one of the leading experts on the Balkan issue. In 1899, the term for Milyukov's exile abroad expired. He was allowed to return to his homeland.
Arriving in Russia in 1900, P.N. Milyukov again took up politics and became close to a group of publicists who united around the opposition populist magazine Russian Wealth - N.K. Mikhailovsky, V.A. Myakotin, A.V. Poshekhonov. At one of the political meetings, Pavel Nikolayevich again openly expressed anti-government opinions, because of which he was arrested and spent about six months in prison. While imprisoned, he received a letter from his friend, the American millionaire Charles Crane, with an offer to come to the United States in the summer of 1903 to give lectures.
Having been released in the summer of 1901, Milyukov, who had earned a reputation as an "inveterate oppositionist", was limited in his rights - he was forbidden to live in the capital. I had to, in anticipation of a decision about my future fate, to settle at the Udelnaya station near St. Petersburg. Representatives of the democratic intelligentsia in the early 1900s talked a lot about the need to create a liberal magazine, which was planned to be published in Stuttgart.Milyukov received an offer to become the editor-in-chief of this journal, which was called "Liberation". Pavel Nikolayevich did not dare to take on such responsibility, but nevertheless began to cooperate with the journal and even wrote a program article "From the Russian Constitutionalists" for the first issue.
Meanwhile, the authorities again gave Milyukov the right to choose: either a three-year exile in the eastern provinces without the right to return to the capital, or another six months in prison. He opted for imprisonment, but asked permission to travel to England before doing so to improve his English for upcoming lectures in the US. Permission was granted (nevertheless, Milyukov continued to consider the representatives of the authorities as satraps and executioners).
London. Piccadilly, early 20th century
In England, Milyukov met his main - in the near future - political opponent. “Lenin looked at me then,” he wrote in his memoirs, “as a possible temporary (rather “short-term”) companion on the way from the “bourgeois” revolution to the socialist one. At his call, I saw him in London in his wretched cell.
Returning from England, Pavel Nikolaevich, in his own words, "grabbed a pillow from home" and went to the "Crosses". That day was Sunday, and he was not admitted to prison. “I returned to my family, to Udelnaya,” he writes, “and, already better equipped, accompanied by my wife, made my journey to prison the next morning. This time the cell was ready.” Conditions for work were created for Milyukov in prison, and he wrote the first issue of the third part of Essays on the History of Russian Culture.
Friends of Pavel Nikolaevich immediately began to petition for his release, and as a result, his imprisonment did not last even three months....
Milyukov with his family
To be continued.
Milyukov Pavel Nikolaevich (1859, Moscow - 1943 , Exle-Bains, France) - was born in the family of an architect and teacher. While studying at the 1st Moscow Gymnasium, he showed outstanding linguistic abilities and became fluent in five languages. In 1877 he entered the historical and philological faculty of the Moscow University. In 1881 he was arrested for participating in the student movement and expelled, but the next year he completed his studies and was left at the university at the department of Russian history under the leadership of V.O. Klyuchevsky, while teaching at the gymnasium and at the Higher Women's Courses. In 1892 he received a master's degree for his dissertation "The State Economy of Russia in the First Quarter of the 18th Century and the Reform of Peter the Great", which was awarded the S.M. Solovyov. In subsequent years, his Essays on the History of Russian Culture, The Main Currents of Russian Historical Thought, The Decomposition of Slavophilism, and others were published. historical process by the development of production or "spiritual principle". He sought to view a single history as a series of interrelated but different histories: political, military, cultural, etc., making his contribution to Russian historiography. In 1895, Milyukov was dismissed from the university for "bad influence on the youth" and exiled administratively to Ryazan, and two years later - to Bulgaria, where he was given the department of history at Sofia University. In 1903 - 1905 he traveled in England, in the Balkans, in the USA, lectured, met with Russian emigrants. In 1905, having learned about the revolution, he came to Russia, having "a reputation as a novice politician" and one of the few "observers of the political life and foreign policy of a democratic state. And at home, events took place that required the use of these observations, and demanded it from me, ”wrote Milyukov (“Memoirs”, M., 1991, p. 176). At home, Milyukov found serious disagreements among social forces, in relation to which he took the position of "preserving personal independence." Soon Milyukov became widely known as the chairman of the united professional organizations - the Union of Unions. He was one of the organizers and leaders of the Constitutional Democratic (Cadet) Party, chairman of its Central Committee, and editor of the Rech newspaper. Milyukov believed that "one and indivisible Russia", having received a constitution after the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, would be able to provide citizens with political rights and a reformist, liberal path of development, an 8-hour working day, freedom of trade unions, and the solution of the agrarian question by distributing among the peasants a monastic, state land and the redemption of part of the landed estates. A powerful, rule-of-law state with a parliamentary monarchy - that's what the party planned if it entered the broad political arena. After February, Milyukov defined the starting points of the Cadets' policy in this way: the party "was neither a party of 'capitalists', nor a party of 'landlords', as the hostile propaganda tried to characterize it. It was a "supraclass" party, not excluding even those supraclass elements that existed in socialism. It denied only the exclusively class character of the socialist doctrine and what was anti-state and utopian in socialism of that time. In this respect, too, her views were unwittingly shared by all that moderate section of socialism which, together with her, made the "bourgeois" revolution. This internal contradiction continued to exist throughout the existence of the Provisional Government. Only the Bolsheviks were free and internally consistent from it” (“Memoirs”, p. 471). After the dissolution of the First State Duma, Milyukov was among the signatories of the Vyborg Appeal, which called on the population to civil disobedience. Being elected to the III and IV State Duma, Milyukov became the official leader of the party. In 1915, Milyukov, seeing the government's inability to successfully conduct military operations, initiated the creation of the Progressive Bloc, which demanded the inclusion of its representatives in the government to ensure victory and liberal reforms. In 1916, he delivered the famous speech "Stupidity or Treason?" in the Duma, which was directed against the monarch's entourage and provoked the fury of the Black Hundreds. Feb. 1917, Milyukov entered the Provisional Government as Minister of Foreign Affairs; was a supporter of the preservation of the monarchy after the abdication of Nicholas II. Milyukov advocated the continuation of the war "to a victorious end." In April 1917, after a government crisis, he was forced to resign. He actively opposed the Bolsheviks, supported the rebellion of L.G. Kornilov. After the October Revolution, he left for the Don, where he became a member of the Don Civil Council. Unsuccessful actions against the Soviet government forced Milyukov in 1918 to seek assistance in Kyiv from the German army. The disagreement of the Cadet Central Committee with the position of Milyukov led the latter to resign from his duties as chairman. Milyukov in the fall of 1918 recognized his pro-German position as erroneous and welcomed the intervention of the Entente states. In 1920 he settled in France. Understanding the irreversibility of the events that had taken place in Russia, Milyukov believed that the peasantry would become the force that would blow up the Bolshevik regime from within. Defending the idea of sovereignty, Milyukov was ready to support any regime that contributed to the realization of this idea. During the Soviet-Finnish war, he took the side of the USSR, saying: "I feel sorry for the Finns, but I am for the Vyborg province." On the eve of World War II, Miliukov argued that "in the event of war, emigration must be unconditionally on the side of their homeland." Hating fascism, Milyukov was tormented by the fate of France and worried about Russia. In 1943, he wrote that behind the destructive side of the Russian revolution one cannot but see its creative achievements in strengthening the statehood, economy, army, government, and even found that a sense of independence and dignity had awakened among the people. Milyukov is the author of "Memoirs", works on the history of the Russian revolution.
Graduated from the 1st Moscow Gymnasium. In the summer of 1877, during the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878, he was in Transcaucasia as the treasurer of the military economy, and then as an authorized Moscow sanitary detachment.
He graduated from the Faculty of History and Philology of Moscow University (; was expelled for participating in a student gathering in 1881, reinstated the following year). At the university he was a student of V. O. Klyuchevsky and P. G. Vinogradov. In his student years after the death of his father, he gave private lessons to provide for his family. He was left at the university to prepare for a professorship.
Milyukov's main historical work is Essays on the History of Russian Culture. The first issue outlines "general concepts" about history, its tasks and methods of scientific knowledge, defines the author's theoretical approaches to the analysis of historical material, contains essays on the population, economic, state and social system. The second and third issues examine the culture of Russia - the role of the church, faith, school, and various ideological currents.
In the "Essays" he showed the great role of the state in the formation of Russian society, arguing that Russia, despite its peculiarities, followed the European path of development, and also gave his arguments regarding the adaptability of the Russian "national type" to borrowed public institutions. Believing that "there are a number of basic regular evolutions of different aspects of social life," Milyukov did not consider it possible to explain the historical process by the development of production or "spiritual principle." He strove to view a single history as a series of interrelated but different histories: political, military, cultural, etc.
Milyukov's main historiographical work was the book The Main Currents of Russian Historical Thought, which was a revised and supplemented course of university lectures. The book contains an analysis of the evolution of Russian historical science in the 17th - first third of the 19th century.
The first thing that catches the eye of anyone who followed the scientific path of P.N. and, in particular, his works on Russian history, is the extraordinary breadth of his scientific interests. Archeology, ethnography, linguistics, the history of economy, social life, political institutions and political thought, the history of culture in the narrow sense of the word, the history of the church, school and science, literature, art, philosophy - all this attracted the attention of Milyukov and stopped his inquisitive the view of the researcher, he subjected all these far-flung series of phenomena to his own analysis. And, it must be added, in all these areas he was not an accidental guest, but a master, everywhere he embraced everything that had been done by historical science before him, and stood at the height of its modern achievements.
P.N. Milyukov: Collection of materials to celebrate his seventieth birthday. 1859-1929. Paris. pp.39-40.
Stupidity or betrayal?
Pavel Milyukov:“I called you these people - Manasevich-Manuilov, Rasputin, Pitirim, Stürmer. This is the court party whose victory, according to the Neue Freye Presse, was the appointment of Stürmer: “The victory of the court party, which is grouped around the young Empress.”
At a meeting of the State Duma, Milyukov was called a slanderer.
Pavel Milyukov:“I am not sensitive to the expressions of Mr. Zamyslovsky” (voices from the left: “Bravo, bravo”).
Later, in the conservative émigré press, allegations appeared that Milyukov deliberately used slander in order to prepare for a coup d'état, which he later regretted; in particular, the following, possibly falsified, extract from the letter was published:
Pavel Milyukov (from a letter to an unknown person. Possibly apocryphal):“You know that the firm decision to use the war to carry out the coup was made by us shortly after the outbreak of this war. Note also that we could not wait any longer, because we knew that at the end of April or the beginning of May our army was to go on the offensive, the results of which would immediately completely stop all hints of discontent and would cause an explosion of patriotism and jubilation in the country.
Foreign Secretary
Key ambassadors(currently in office)
Kislyak Mamedov Yakovenko Grinin Orlov vacancy Afanasyev Razov Kadakin Zurabov
Churkin Chizhov Grushko
Lists of Soviet and Russian ambassadors:
Milyukov Pavel Nikolaevich (1859-1943), Russian politician, leader of the Kadet party, historian. Born on January 15 (27), 1859 in Moscow, in the family of an inspector and teacher at the Moscow School of Painting, Sculpture and Architecture. He studied at the 1st Moscow Gymnasium, where he showed great abilities in the field of the humanities, especially in the study of languages; in 1877 he entered the Faculty of History and Philology of Moscow University. He studied with professors F.F. Fortunatov, V.F. Miller, M.M. Troitsky, V.I. Guerrier, P.G. Vinogradov, V.O. Klyuchevsky. Communication with the latter determined the choice of profession and scientific interests related to the study of the history of the Fatherland.
From his first year at university, Milyukov joined the student movement, joined its moderate wing, which stood up for university autonomy. In 1881, as an active participant in the movement, he was arrested, then expelled from the university (with the right to be reinstated a year later). The time he missed for classes was spent in Italy, where he studied the art of the Renaissance.
Lenin's judgments were profoundly realistic. He is a centralist and statesman - and most of all counts on measures of direct state violence.
Milyukov Pavel Nikolaevich
After graduating from the university, he was left at the department of Russian history, headed by V.O. Klyuchevsky, to "prepare for a professorship." In preparation for the master's (candidate's) exam, he taught special courses on historiography, historical geography, and the history of the colonization of Russia. The course on historiography was later framed in the book The Main Currents of Russian Historical Thought (1896). At the same time he taught at the 4th women's gymnasium, at the Agricultural College, at the higher courses for women.
In 1892, Milyukov defended his master's thesis on the book The State Economy of Russia in the First Quarter of the 18th Century and the Reform of Peter the Great, published in the same year. In the preface, the author wrote: historical science "places the study of the material side of the historical process, the study of economic and financial history, social history, and the history of institutions." The dissertation was highly appreciated by the scientific community: the author received the S.M.Soloviev Prize for it. However, the proposal to immediately award a doctoral degree did not pass, V.O. Klyuchevsky protested, and this cooled the relationship between the student and the teacher for many years.
Gradually, Milyukov began to pay more and more attention to educational activities. He was elected chairman of the Commission for the organization of home reading, collaborated in the Moscow Literacy Committee, and repeatedly traveled to the provinces to give lectures. In 1894, for a series of lectures given in Nizhny Novgorod, which contained "hints at the general aspirations of freedom and condemnation of the autocracy", Milyukov was arrested, expelled from Moscow University and exiled to Ryazan.
The years spent in exile were filled with scientific work. In Ryazan, Milyukov began his most significant study - Essays on the History of Russian Culture (first published in a journal, in 1896-1903 they appeared as a separate publication in three issues). The first issue outlines "general concepts" about history, its tasks and methods of scientific knowledge, defines the author's theoretical approaches to the analysis of historical material; here - essays on the population, the economic, state and social system. The second and third issues examine the culture of Russia - the role of the church, faith, school, and various ideological currents.
In exile, Milyukov received an invitation from the Sofia Higher School in Bulgaria to head the department of world history. The authorities allowed the trip. The scientist stayed in Bulgaria for two years, lectured, studied Bulgarian and Turkish (in total Milyukov knew 18 foreign languages). The deliberate ignorance of the solemn reception at the Russian embassy in Sofia on the occasion of the name day of Nicholas II caused irritation in St. Petersburg. The Bulgarian government was required to fire Miliukov. The "unemployed" scientist moved to Turkey, where he took part in the expedition of the Constantinople Archaeological Institute, in excavations in Macedonia.
Upon his return to St. Petersburg for participating in a meeting dedicated to the memory of P.L. Lavrov, the scientist was again arrested and spent half a year in prison. He lived in the vicinity of St. Petersburg, as he was forbidden to live in the capital. During this period, Milyukov became close to the liberal zemstvo milieu. He became one of the founders of the journal "Liberation" and the political organization of Russian liberals "Union of Liberation". In 1902-1904 he repeatedly traveled to England, then to the USA, where he lectured at the University of Chicago and Harvard, at the Lowell Institute in Boston. The course read was framed in the book Russia and Its Crisis (1905).
