Charles de Gaulle was born on November 22, 1890 in Lille, France. He grew up in a patriotic Catholic family. The boy early showed a craving for military affairs. He studied at the Military School in Saint-Cyr, from which he graduated at the age of twenty-two. During the First World War, he took part in the fighting with the rank of lieutenant. He was captured by the Germans, tried unsuccessfully to escape from captivity five times. There he writes his first book, Discord in the Camp of the Enemy.

After his release, he spent three years in Poland, working as a teacher of the theory of military tactics at a military school. In the summer of 1920, with the rank of major, he fought on the Soviet-Polish front. In the spring of 1921 he left Poland for Paris. In France, de Gaulle marries and teaches at the Saint-Cyr school, then at the Higher Military School. Becomes known as a military theorist.

During World War II, Charles de Gaulle commanded a regiment with the rank of colonel. Then he served as a brigadier general. In June 1940, he became Deputy Minister of War, without accepting the terms of the armistice with Germany, he fled to Great Britain, from where on June 18, 1940 he made an appeal on the radio "To all the French." In his address to the people of France, de Gaulle calls for the continuation of the struggle for freedom. Creates a resistance organization. Four years later, de Gaulle becomes chairman of the Council of Ministers of France. In January 1946, he leaves the post of head of government and leaves for his estate in Colombey-les-des-Eglises.

In the future, he creates the party "Unification of the French People" and is included in the political game. However, in 1953 he disbanded the party and again took refuge in his estate. During this period, he wrote Military Memoirs in three volumes: Appeal, Unity, and Salvation. In December 1958, the people of France elect de Gaulle as president. In his post, the new president pursues a policy of decolonization, while striving to keep the former colonies in the sphere of French cultural influence. He does a lot to strengthen the army, with him France receives nuclear weapons.

He closely cooperates with the USSR, in 1966 he visits, in addition to the capital, Kyiv, St. Petersburg, Volgograd and Novosibirsk. Establishes political and economic relations with the former military adversary of Germany. Counteracts American economic influence in Europe. But de Gaulle's reign did not last long. In the late 1960s, an economic and political crisis flared up again in France, and in April 1969 de Gaulle voluntarily resigned. After retirement, he lives in Ireland and Spain, from where he returns to his estate.

Charles de Gaulle died on November 9, 1970 in Colombey-les-deux-Eglises, France from a ruptured aorta. Buried at Colombes-les-Deux-Eglises.

Charles de Gaulle awards

Coat of arms of Charles de Gaulle as a Knight of the Swedish Order of the Seraphim
Grand Master of the Legion of Honor (as President of France)
Grand Cross of the Order of Merit (France)
Grand Master of the Order of Liberation (as founder of the order)
War Cross 1939-1945 (France)
Order of the Elephant (Denmark)
Order of the Seraphim (Sweden)
Grand Cross of the Royal Victorian Order (UK)
Grand Cross decorated with the Ribbon of the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic
Silver Cross of the Order of Military Merit (Poland)
Grand Cross of the Order of St. Olaf (Norway)
Order of the Royal House of Chakri (Thailand)
Grand Cross of the Order of the White Rose of Finland
Grand Cross of the Order of Merit (Republic of the Congo)

General Charles de Gaulle came to power in France twice. For the first time - in 1944, when he faced difficult tasks in organizing the post-war life of the state. In the second - in 1958, when events intensified in Algeria, which at that time was a colony of France.

For several years, there was a war in Algeria, which led to the fears of the French ultras fighting there that the government would abandon the African colony. On May 13, 1958, they seized the building of the colonial administration and sent a telegram to de Gaulle in Paris asking him to break the silence and create a new government of popular unity.

Heeding the requests of the military, two days later the main symbol of the Resistance turned to the French with an appeal:

“For 12 years now, France has been trying to solve problems beyond the power of the party regime, and is heading towards disaster. Once, in a difficult hour, the country trusted me to lead it to salvation. Today, when the country faces new trials, let it know that I am ready to assume all the powers of the Republic,” de Gaulle said.

These strong words were followed by decisive actions. Fearing that the general might use the power of the military loyal to him, the then President of France, Rene Coty, invited de Gaulle to form a new government of the country. “De Gaulle was able to offer himself as the only alternative to the coup of the extreme right and the establishment of a fascist regime. And the republic fell at his feet,” write the authors of the book “The Beginning of the End. France. May 1968" by Angelo Catrocci and Tom Nyme.

De Gaulle did not stay long as prime minister - from June 1958 to January 1959. In January 1959, he was elected president. In this position

he managed to achieve the main thing - the constitutional reform, which led to the popular election of the president and the separation of the functions of the president and parliament. The reform was supported by almost 80% of the vote. And although de Gaulle himself was first elected president under the old system, with his arrival to this post the Fifth Republic was born.

Returning to power in the wake of the situation in Algeria, de Gaulle at the same time did not seek at all costs to keep this African territory under French influence. However, the President General decided to offer the public several options for resolving the situation - from giving Algeria the status of a territory associated with France, to a complete break in relations and the creation of a government friendly to Paris in this country.

in Moscow without

In 1962, the military conflict in Algeria ended, which marked the beginning of the formation of an independent Algerian state. Despite the fact that Algerian independence had many opponents who made several attempts on de Gaulle's life, France agreed with the new president. In 1965, the country again chooses de Gaulle as its leader.

De Gaulle's second presidential term was marked by active steps in foreign policy. Confirming the independent nature of French foreign policy, he withdraws France from the military organization of NATO. The organization's headquarters are moved from Paris to Brussels.

Everything happens in a hurry, one of the most powerful organizations in the world receives a residence permit for many years in a nondescript building of a former hospital. NATO officers, who gave a Gazeta.Ru correspondent a tour of the alliance's headquarters, half-jokingly admit that they "still have a grudge against the French president."

If in Washington de Gaulle's actions are condemned, in the USSR, on the contrary, they are treated with undisguised enthusiasm, welcoming the French opposition in every possible way. In 1966, the President of France goes to the USSR on his first official visit, but this was his second trip to the USSR. He first visited Moscow in 1944 as a leader fighting the Nazis in France.

Never having any sympathy for communist ideas, De Gaulle always treated Russia warmly enough.

However, it is primarily politics that attracts him to Moscow. “De Gaulle needed a“ counterbalance ”and therefore went to meet the USSR and its allies,” say the then Soviet heavyweights of politics, Vadim Kirpichenko and.

Following the visit of the French President to the USSR, several key documents were signed. In addition, it was said about "détente", and it was also emphasized that "the USSR and France are responsible for maintaining and ensuring both European and world peace."

Of course, there was no talk of a real rapprochement between the USSR and France - the political and economic approaches of the two countries were too different. However, de Gaulle saw in Russia not only a major world power, but also a part of Europe. "The whole of Europe - from the Atlantic to the Urals - will decide the fate of the world!" de Gaulle declared in his historic 1959 speech in Strasbourg.

In addition to the USSR, de Gaulle's France built relations with Eastern European and developing countries and was engaged in improving relations with the FRG. Once hostile to France, Germany, which fought against this country during the war, became a major trading partner of Paris.

From revolution to revolution

However, despite successes in the international arena, de Gaulle, by the end of his first presidential term, faced a crisis within the country.

After the expiration of the first seven-year term, the general was going to be re-elected to the presidency of France. These elections, according to the amendments to the Constitution, should have been popular. De Gaulle, as expected, won the election, albeit only in the second round, defeating his main critic, the socialist.

The second round and the popularity of Mitterrand testified to the decline in the popularity of the Resistance legend itself. This was caused by problems in the economy, an arms race and criticism of the general's largely authoritarian style of government.

De Gaulle's opponents note that he actively used the power of state television to legitimize his power, although this did not rule out sharp criticism of his rule, which came from the pages of the print media.

The political crisis led to a real revolutionary situation - dissatisfied with the state of affairs in the field of education, students at the University of Paris and the Sorbonne revolted. It was headed by radical left activists, who were later joined by trade unions. Tens of thousands of people block the streets and clash with the police and gendarmes. The events will become the most massive unrest in Europe and will be called "May 1968".

Many of the slogans of that time - for example, "It is forbidden to prohibit" - will be repeated decades later by opponents of the president.

De Gaulle, despite the persuasion of some ministers to start negotiations with the protesters, was quite tough and did not want to go into negotiations, but the situation looked threatening. “By turning politics into theatre, de Gaulle today stood up to the movement that turned the theater into politics,” writes presidential biographer Julian Jackson.

The combat general seems confused for the first time, but he addresses the nation and demands broad powers, as the country, in his words, is "on the verge of civil war."

At the same time, not feeling sympathy for his opponents, the president will still tell them: "I understand you."

After the appeal, de Gaulle flies out of the country to Baden-Baden, however, not to bask in the resort, but to visit the French troops stationed nearby in Germany. Soon the president returns to France, and his next step is the dissolution of the National Assembly and the announcement of early elections, where the Gaullist party Rally for the Republic receives the majority of votes. However, the victory turns out to be pyrrhic.

As a leading researcher at the Institute of Europe notes, de Gaulle's conservatism began to slow down the development of France. “His time was running out, the reform of the Senate failed, and attempts to do something led to a crisis,” says the expert to Gazeta.Ru. We are talking about the reform of the upper house of parliament, which he planned to turn into a body representing the interests of trade unions and business. However, this reform failed. De Gaulle stated that if the reform did not take place, he would step down from his post. As befits a military man and a man of honor, the general keeps his word and leaves power.

After his resignation, De Gaulle did not live long and died of an aortic rupture on November 9, 1970. The head of the government, and then the President of France, Georges Pompidou, will say: "De Gaulle is dead, France is widowed." The coffin of the military general, politician and world statesman was seen off by thousands of people. Over the years, Charles de Gaulle remains one of the most revered French politicians - many still consider him the most powerful president of the Fifth Republic.

You occupy a leadership position, which means that from time to time you have to hire new people. And with a high degree of probability, at the same time, you step on the same rake that most employers step on. First of all, the vast majority of recruiters first of all look at the qualifications of the employee - his skills, his experience. They habitually write long lists of […]

Charles de Gaulle

Savior of France

The whole modern history of France is inextricably linked with his name. He twice, in the most difficult time for the country, assumed responsibility for its future and twice voluntarily relinquished power, leaving the country prosperous. He was full of contradictions and shortcomings, but he had one indisputable advantage - above all, General de Gaulle put the good of his country.

Charles de Gaulle belonged to an old family, originating from Normandy and Burgundy. It is believed that the prefix "de" in the surname was not a particle of noble names traditional for France, but a Flemish article, however, de Gaulle's nobility consisted of more than one generation. The de Gaulles served the king and France from ancient times - one of them participated in the campaign of Joan of Arc - and even when the French monarchy ceased to exist, they remained, in the words of General de Gaulle, "yearning monarchists." Henri de Gaulle, the father of the future general, began his military career and even participated in the war with Prussia, but then he retired and became a teacher at the Jesuit College, where he taught literature, philosophy and mathematics. He married his cousin Jeanne Maillot, who came from a wealthy merchant family from Lille. All her children - four sons and a daughter - she came to give birth to her mother's house in Lille, although the family lived in Paris. The second son, who received the name Charles André Joseph Marie at baptism, was born on November 22, 1890.

Children in the family were brought up in the same way as many generations before them: religiosity (all de Gaulles were deeply believing Catholics) and patriotism. In his memoirs, de Gaulle wrote:

My father, an educated and thinking man, brought up in certain traditions, was full of faith in the high mission of France. He introduced me to her story for the first time. My mother had a feeling of boundless love for her homeland, which can only be compared with her piety. My three brothers, sister, myself - we were all proud of our homeland. This pride, mixed with anxiety for her fate, was second nature to us.

From childhood, children were instilled with a love for the history, literature and nature of their native country, introduced them to the sights, biographies of prominent people and the works of the church fathers. The sons were taught that they were the descendants of a glorious family, representatives of a great estate, which from time immemorial has served for the glory of the fatherland, the nation

and religion. Young Charles was so impressed with the thoughts of his own great origin that he sincerely believed in his great destiny. “I believed that the meaning of life was to accomplish an outstanding feat in the name of France, and that the day would come when I would have such an opportunity,” he later recalled.

Since 1901, Charles studied at the Jesuit College on Rue Vaugirard, where his father taught. He loved history, literature and even tried to write himself. After winning a local poetry competition, Charles turned down a cash prize for the opportunity to publish his work. It is said that Charles constantly exercised his willpower - refusing lunch until he finished his lessons, and even depriving himself of dessert if the lessons, in his opinion, were not done well enough. He also intensively developed his memory - in his mature years he easily memorized speeches for dozens of pages - and enthusiastically read philosophical works. Although the boy was very capable, his studies still caused him certain difficulties - Charles from childhood could hardly endure any petty restrictions and strict regulations that he could not explain logically, and in the Jesuit college every sneeze was unconditionally regulated. The last year Charles studied in Belgium: after the government crisis of 1905, the church was separated from the state, and Catholic educational institutions were closed. At the insistence of his father, Charles moved abroad with his native educational institution - in Belgium he studied in a special mathematical class and demonstrated such talents for the exact sciences that the teachers advised him to choose a scientific career. However, Charles from childhood dreamed of a military path: having received a bachelor's degree, he returned to Paris and, after preparatory studies at a prestigious college Stanislas in 1909 he entered the military school in Saint-Cyr - founded by Napoleon, this higher military educational institution was considered one of the best in Europe. He chose the infantry as his branch of the army - as the closest to real military operations.

From childhood, Charles dreamed of becoming a military man in order to defend his native country from enemies with weapons in his hands. Even as a child, when little Charles cried in pain, his father reassured him with the words: “Do generals cry?” As he got older, Charles already commanded his brothers and sister with might and main, and even forced them to learn a secret language, which was words read backwards - given the incredible complexity of French spelling, this was far from being as simple as it might seem at first glance.

Studying in Saint-Cyr at first disappointed him: the endless drill and the need to constantly mindlessly obey orders oppressed Charles, who was convinced that such training was only suitable for the rank and file - commanders should learn to subordinate, not obey. Classmates rightly considered de Gaulle to be arrogant, and for his tall stature, thinness and constantly upturned long nose, they called him "long asparagus." Charles dreamed of standing out on the battlefield, but at the time when he studied at Saint-Cyr, no war was foreseen, and the glory of French weapons was a thing of bygone days - the last war, with Prussia in 1870, the French shamefully lost, and in During the “Paris Commune”, the army, cracking down on the rebels, completely lost the last remnants of respect among the people. Charles dreamed of reforms that could make the French army great again, and for this purpose he was ready to work day and night. In Saint-Cyr, he did a lot of self-education, and when he graduated from college in 1912, he began to carefully study the army orders from the inside, noticing any shortcomings in the system. Lieutenant de Gaulle was enrolled in the 33rd Infantry Regiment stationed in Arras under the command of Colonel Henri Philippe Pétain, one of the most talented French military leaders of that time.

General Philippe Pétain.

In July 1914, the First World War began. Already in August, Charles de Gaulle, fighting near Dinan, was wounded and out of action for two months. In March 1915, he was again wounded in the battle of Mesnil-le-Hurlu - he returned to service as a captain and company commander. In the Battle of Verdun, which the French won thanks to the military talents of General Pétain, de Gaulle was wounded for the third time, and so badly that he was considered dead and left on the battlefield. He was taken prisoner; He was in military camps for several years, unsuccessfully tried to escape five times and was released only after the signing of an armistice in November 1918.

But even in captivity, de Gaulle did not sit idle. He improved his knowledge of the German language, studied the organization of military affairs in Germany, and entered the conclusions in his diary. In 1924, he published a book in which he summarized the experience accumulated during the captivity, calling it "Discord in the camp of the enemy." De Gaulle wrote that the defeat of Germany was caused primarily by the lack of military discipline, the arbitrariness of the German command and the poor coordination of its actions with government orders - although all of Europe was sure that the German army was the best in the world and it lost for economic reasons and because that the Entente military leaders were better.

As soon as he returned from the war, de Gaulle immediately went to another: in 1919, like many French soldiers, he enlisted in Poland, where he first taught the theory of tactics at a military school, and then participated in the Soviet-Polish war as an instructor officer .

Yvonne de Gaulle.

In 1921 he returned to France - and unexpectedly fell in love with himself. His chosen one was the young beauty Yvonne Vandroux, the daughter of a wealthy confectioner. For her, this novel also came as a surprise: until recently, she declared that she would never marry a military man, but very quickly forgot about her vow. Already on April 7, 1921, Charles and Yvonne got married. The choice turned out to be successful: Yvonne became de Gaulle's faithful companion, supporting him in all his endeavors and providing him with understanding, love and a reliable rear. They had three children: son Philip, named after General Pétain, was born on December 28, 1921, daughter Elizabeth was born on May 15, 1924. The youngest, beloved daughter, Anna, was born on January 1, 1928 - the girl had Down syndrome and she lived only twenty years. In her memory, General de Gaulle devoted much of his energy to charitable foundations that took care of children with similar diseases.

Returning from captivity, de Gaulle was offered to take a teaching position in Saint-Cyr, but he himself dreamed of getting into the Higher Military School - an institution for the training of senior officers, similar to the General Staff Academy - where he was enrolled in the fall of 1922. Since 1925, de Gaulle served in the office of General Pétain, his former commander, who after the First World War became one of the most authoritative military men in Europe, and then in headquarters in various places. In 1932 he was appointed to the secretariat of the Supreme Council of National Defense.

From the mid-twenties, de Gaulle began to gain fame as a military theorist and publicist: he published several books and articles - "Discord in the camp of the enemy", "On the edge of the sword", "For a professional army" - where he expressed his views on the organization of the army, tactics and strategy of warfare, the organization of the rear and many other issues that are not always directly related to military affairs and even more rarely reflect the views inherent in the army majority.

De Gaulle had his own opinion about everything: he believed that the army, even in time of war, should be subordinate to civilian power, that the future belongs to a professional army, that tanks were the most progressive weapon. The latter point of view ran counter to the strategy of the General Staff, which relied on infantry and defensive fortifications such as the Maginot Line. The writer Philippe Barres, in his book about de Gaulle, recounting his conversation with Ribbentrop at the end of 1934, cites the following dialogue:

– As for the Maginot Line, - the Hitlerite diplomat frankly, - we will break through it with the help of tanks. Our specialist General Guderian confirms this. I know your best technician is of the same opinion.

– Who is our best specialist? Barres asked and heard in response:

– Goll, Colonel Goll. Is it true that he is so little known among you?

De Gaulle tried with all his might to get the General Staff to create tank troops, but all his attempts ended in failure. Even when Paul Reynaud, the future prime minister, became interested in his proposals and based on them created a bill on army reform, the National Assembly rejected it as "useless, undesirable and contrary to logic and history."

In 1937, de Gaulle nevertheless received the rank of colonel and a tank regiment in the city of Metz, and with the outbreak of World War II, tank units of the 5th Army operating in Alsace came under his command. “It fell to my lot to play a part in a terrible hoax,” he wrote about this. “The few dozen light tanks I command are just a speck of dust. We will lose the war in the most miserable way if we don't act." Thanks to Paul Reynaud, who headed the government, already in May 1940, de Gaulle was entrusted with the command of the 4th regiment - in the battle of Camon de Gaulle became the only French military man who could force the German troops to retreat, for which he was promoted to the rank of brigadier general. Although many biographers claim that de Gaulle did not have time to officially award the general rank, it was with this title that he went down in history. A week later, de Gaulle became deputy minister of national defense.

The problem was that there was no actual defense. The French General Staff so hoped for the Maginot Line that they did not prepare either for the offensive or for defense. After the “strange war”, the rapid advance of the Germans broke through the defenses, and in just a few weeks it became clear that France could not stand it. Despite the fact that the Reynaud government was against surrender, on June 16, 1940, he had to resign. The country was headed by General Pétain, the hero of the First World War, who was no longer going to fight with Germany.

De Gaulle felt that the world was going crazy: the thought that France might surrender was unbearable for him. He flew to London, where he negotiated with the British Prime Minister Churchill on organizing the evacuation of the French government, and there he learned that Pétain was negotiating a surrender.

It was the darkest hour in the life of General de Gaulle - and it became his finest hour. “On June 18, 1940,” he wrote in his memoirs, “responding to the call of his homeland, deprived of any other help to save his soul and honor, de Gaulle, alone, unknown to anyone, had to take responsibility for France” . At eight o'clock in the evening, he spoke on the English radio, calling on all the French not to give up and to rally around him for the sake of the freedom of France.

Has the last word really been said? Should we give up all hope? Is our defeat final? No! .. I, General de Gaulle, call on all French officers and soldiers who are already on British soil or will arrive here in the future, with or without weapons, I appeal to all engineers and skilled workers of the military industry who are already on British soil or will arrive here in the future. I encourage you all to contact me. Whatever happens, the flame of the French Resistance must not be extinguished - and will not be extinguished.

And soon, leaflets with de Gaulle's appeal were distributed throughout France: “France lost the battle, but it did not lose the war! Nothing is lost, because this war is a world war. The day will come when France will return freedom and greatness ... That is why I appeal to all French people to unite around me in the name of action, self-sacrifice and hope.

On June 22, 1940, France capitulated: according to the signed agreements, it was divided into two parts - the occupied and non-occupied zones. The latter, which occupied the south and east of France, was ruled by the Pétain government, called the “Vichy government” after its location in the resort town. The next day, England officially broke off diplomatic relations with the Vichy and recognized de Gaulle as the head of the "free French".

"France lost the battle, but did not lose the war!" Charles de Gaulle reads an address to the French on English radio, July 18, 1940.

Such actions could not please the surrendered government of Pétain. On June 24, General de Gaulle was officially dismissed; on July 4, the French military tribunal in Toulouse sentenced him in absentia for desertion to four years in prison, and on August 2, to death. In response, on August 4, de Gaulle created the Free French Committee, which he himself headed: in the first weeks, two and a half thousand people joined the committee, and already in November, the Free France had 35 thousand people, 20 warships, 60 merchant ships and thousands of pilots. The Lorraine Cross, an ancient symbol of the French nation, was chosen as a symbol of the movement, representing a cross with two crossbars. None of the more or less prominent political figures supported de Gaulle, did not join his movement, but ordinary French people saw their hope in him. Twice a day he spoke on the radio, and although few knew de Gaulle by sight, his voice, speaking of the need to continue the struggle, became familiar to almost every Frenchman. “I ... at first did not represent anything,” de Gaulle himself admitted. “There was no one in France who could vouch for me, and I had no publicity in the country. Abroad - no trust and justification for my activities. However, in a fairly short period of time he managed to achieve very significant success.

De Gaulle's collaborator, anthropologist and politician Jacques Soustelle described him during this period:

Very tall, lean, of monumental build, with a long nose over a small mustache, a slightly receding chin, and an imperious gaze, he seemed much younger than fifty. Dressed in a khaki uniform and a headdress of the same color, decorated with two stars of a brigadier general, he always walked with a wide step, usually holding his hands at his sides. He spoke slowly, sharply, sometimes with sarcasm. His memory was amazing. The power of the monarch simply blew from him, and now, more than ever, he justified the epithet "king in exile."

Gradually, de Gaulle's supremacy was recognized by the French colonies in Africa - Chad, Congo, Cameroon, Tahiti and others - after which de Gaulle landed in Cameroon and officially took the colonies under his control. In June 1942, the Free France was renamed Fighting France, headed by the French National Committee, which was in fact the government in exile, and its commissioners were ministers. De Gaulle's envoys traveled all over the world agitating in support of the general and Fighting France, and special agents established contacts with the French Resistance and the communists fighting in the occupied territory, supplying them with money and weapons, as a result of which, in 1943, the National Committee of the Resistance recognized de Gaulle as head of the country.

"Fighting France" was recognized by the USSR and the USA. Although the Roosevelt government was extremely disapproving of de Gaulle himself, considering him a usurper, an upstart and an "arrogant Frenchman", they nevertheless recognized his movement as the only real force capable of resisting Hitler. Churchill, largely at the suggestion of Roosevelt, also disliked the general, calling him "a absurd person who imagines himself the savior of France" and "Joan of Arc with a mustache": in many ways, such antipathy was caused by de Gaulle's active Anglophobia, who could not forgive Great Britain for centuries rivalry and its current relatively prosperous position than the British diplomats, to be honest, tried to take advantage of more than once.

De Gaulle could be presumptuous, authoritarian, arrogant and even insufferable, he changed his beliefs and maneuvered among enemies and allies, as if he did not see any difference between them: hating communism, he was friends with Stalin, disliking the British, collaborated with Churchill, knew how to be cruel with friends and frivolous in important matters. But he had only one goal - to save the country, to revive its greatness, to prevent stronger allies from absorbing it, and questions of personal power and personal relationships faded into the background.

In November 1942, American troops landed in Algeria and Morocco - at that time also French territories. The Allies appointed General Giraud as Commander-in-Chief of Algiers. Over time, they planned to bring Giraud to the national leadership, replacing him with a government where there should have been many Vichy, the National Committee of de Gaulle. However, in June 1943, de Gaulle managed to become co-chairman (along with Giraud) of the French National Liberation Committee created in Algeria, and after a few months, Giraud was painlessly removed from power.

When the Allies were preparing a landing in Normandy, de Gaulle again tried to be removed from participation in big politics, but he publicly announced that he would not allow the government of France (that is, the FKNO) to be subordinated to the American command. The general negotiated with Stalin, Churchill, and Eisenhower, and ultimately ensured that it was he who entered the capital as the winner when the Allies and the Resistance forces liberated Paris.

The Pétain government was evacuated to Sigmaringen Castle, where in the spring of 1945 it was arrested by the Allies. The court found General Pétain guilty of treason and war crimes and sentenced him to death, public dishonor and confiscation of property. However, General de Gaulle, out of respect for Pétain's advanced years and in memory of the service under his command, pardoned him, replacing the execution with life imprisonment.

From August 1944, de Gaulle headed the Council of Ministers of France: he again assumed sole responsibility for the fate of his native country, opposing the plans of the allies, according to which France, as a capitulated country, should be removed from deciding the fate of the post-war world. Exclusively thanks to de Gaulle and his efforts, France, like other victorious countries, received its own occupation zone in Germany and later a seat on the UN Security Council.

Meeting of the French National Liberation Committee, de Gaulle seated in the center, 1944

For France itself, as for almost all European countries, the post-war years were very difficult. The ruined economy, unemployment and political confusion demanded immediate decisive action from the government, and de Gaulle acted with lightning speed: the largest enterprises were nationalized - mines, aircraft factories and an automobile concern renault, carried out social and economic reforms. In domestic politics, he proclaimed the slogan "Order, law, justice."

However, it was not possible to restore order in the political life of the country: the elections to the Constituent Assembly held in November 1945 did not give an advantage to any party - the Communists received a simple majority, the draft constitution was repeatedly rejected, any bills were challenged and failed. De Gaulle saw the future of France in a presidential republic, but the deputies of the assembly stood up for a strong multi-party parliament. As a result, on January 20, 1946, de Gaulle voluntarily resigned. He declared that he had fulfilled his main task - the liberation of France - and now he could transfer the country into the hands of Parliament. However, historians believe that this was a cunning move on the part of the general, but, as time showed, not quite a successful move: de Gaulle was sure that the assembly, heterogeneous and full of irreconcilable contradictions, would not be able to form a stable government and cope with all difficulties, and then he again can become the savior of the country - on his own terms, of course. However, de Gaulle had to wait twelve years for such a triumphant return. In October, a new constitution was adopted, allocating all power to parliament with a purely nominal figure of the country's president. The Fourth Republic began without General de Gaulle.

Together with his family, de Gaulle retired to the family estate in the town of Colombelet-deux-Eglise, located in Champagne, three hundred kilometers from Paris, and sat down to create memoirs. He compared his situation with the imprisonment of Napoleon on the island of Elba - and like Napoleon, he was not going to sit idly by without the hope of returning. In April 1947, together with Jacques Soustel, Michel Debré and other associates, he created the party of the Unification of the French People - Assembly du Peuple Frangais, or abbreviated RPF, whose emblem was the Cross of Lorraine. RPF planned to establish a one-party system in France, but in the 1951 elections it did not receive an absolute majority in parliament, which would allow it to achieve its intended goal, and in May 1953 it was dissolved. Although Gaullism as an ideological and political trend (advocating for the greatness of the country and strong presidential power) remained prominent on the political map of France at that time, de Gaulle himself took an extended vacation. He hid from prying eyes in Colombey and devoted himself to communicating with his family and writing memoirs - his war memoirs in three volumes, entitled "Summon", "Unity" and "Salvation", were published from 1954 to 1959 and were very popular. It might seem that he considered his career to be over, and many of his entourage were sure that General de Gaulle would never return to big politics.

De Toll speaking at an RPF rally, 1948

In 1954, France lost Indochina. Seizing the opportunity, a nationalist movement in what was then the French colony of Algeria, called the National Liberation Front, launched a war. They demanded the independence of Algeria and the complete withdrawal of the French administration, and were ready to achieve this with arms in hand. At first, the actions were sluggish: the FLN did not have enough weapons and people, and the French authorities, led by Jacques Soustelle, considered what was happening to be just a series of local conflicts. However, after the Philippeville massacre in August 1955, when the rebels killed more than a hundred civilians, the seriousness of what was happening became apparent. While the FLN waged a brutal guerrilla war, the French pulled troops into the country. A year later, the TNF staged a series of terrorist attacks in the city of Algiers, and France was forced to introduce a parachute division under the command of General Jacques Massu, who managed to restore order in a short period of very cruel methods. De Gaulle later wrote:

Many leaders of the regime were aware that the problem required a radical solution.

But to take the tough decisions that this problem demanded, to demolish all the obstacles to their implementation ... was beyond the strength of unstable governments ... The regime limited itself to supporting the struggle that raged throughout Algeria and along the borders with the help of soldiers, weapons and money. Financially, it was very expensive, because it was necessary to keep armed forces there with a total strength of 500 thousand people; it was also costly from the point of view of foreign policy, because the whole world condemned the hopeless drama. As for, finally, the authority of the state, it was literally destructive.

France was divided in two: some, who considered Algeria an integral part of the metropolis, considered what was happening there as a rebellion and a threat to the country's territorial integrity. There were many French people living in Algiers who, if the colony gained independence, would have been abandoned to their fate - it is known that the rebels from the FLN treated the French settlers with particular cruelty. Others believed that Algeria was worthy of independence - or at least it would be easier to let it go than to maintain order there. Quarrels between supporters and opponents of the independence of the colony proceeded very violently, resulting in mass demonstrations, riots and even terrorist acts.

The United States and Great Britain offered their services to maintain order in the region, but when this became known, a scandal erupted in the country: the consent of Prime Minister Felix Gaillard to foreign aid was considered a betrayal, and he had to resign. His successor could not be appointed for three weeks; finally, the country was headed by Pierre Pflimlin, who announced his readiness to enter into negotiations with the TNF.

This statement caused a real storm: all supporters of the preservation of the integrity of the country (that is, those who advocated that Algeria remain a French colony) felt betrayed. On the thirteenth of May, the French Algerian generals put forward an ultimatum to Parliament demanding that they not abandon Algeria, adopt a new constitution and appoint de Gaulle as prime minister, and in case of refusal they threatened to land troops in Paris. In fact, it was a putsch.

De Gaulle was not involved either in the failure in Indochina or in the Algerian crisis, he still enjoyed prestige in the country and on the world stage. His candidacy seemed to suit everyone: some hoped that he, a patriot and loyal supporter of the integrity of the country, would not allow the independence of Algeria, others believed that the general was able to restore order in the country in any way. And although de Gaulle himself did not want to come to power as a result of a coup (any political shock, in his opinion, only worsened the situation in the country, therefore, was unacceptable), he agreed to lead the country again at such a difficult time for France. On May 15, he made a significant statement on the radio: “Once in a difficult hour, the country trusted me to lead it to salvation. Today, when the country faces new trials, let it know that I am ready to assume all the powers of the Republic.”

On June 1, 1958, the National Assembly approved de Gaulle in office, giving him emergency powers to revise the constitution. Already in September, a new basic law was adopted, limiting the powers of parliament and asserting the strong power of the president. The Fourth Republic fell. In the elections of December 21, 1958, 75 percent of the electors voted for President de Gaulle. In the fall, de Gaulle unveiled the so-called "Constantine Plan" - a five-year plan for economic development

Algeria, and announced an imminent military offensive against the partisans. In addition, he promised an amnesty for the rebels who voluntarily laid down their arms. In two years, the FLN was practically defeated.

To the dismay of the military, de Gaulle had his own solution to the Algerian problem: an independent state, economically and politically closely linked to the former metropolis. This decision was reinforced by the Evian Agreements signed in March 1962. Algeria was not the only country that de Gaulle gave freedom: in 1960 alone, more than two dozen African states gained independence. De Gaulle insisted on maintaining close cultural and economic ties with the former colonies, thereby strengthening France's influence in the world. Dissatisfied with de Gaulle’s policies, the “far-right” began a real hunt for him - according to historians, the general survived more than two dozen assassination attempts in total, but he did not receive serious injuries in any of them, which once again strengthened de Gaulle in his opinion of himself as God’s chosen one for salvation of the country. Moreover, the general was neither vindictive nor especially cruel: for example, after the assassination attempt in August 1962, when his car was unsuccessfully fired from machine guns, de Gaulle signed the death sentence only to the leader of the conspirators, Colonel Bastien-Thieri: because he, an officer of the French army, so and did not learn to shoot.

To the United States, which often expressed its dissatisfaction with the policy of France, de Gaulle did not hesitate to declare that France had the right to act "as the mistress of her policy and on her own initiative." In 1960, in defiance of the United States, he arranged his own nuclear tests in the Sahara.

De Gaulle was determined to limit the European influence of the US, on which many countries were dependent, and with them the UK, always more oriented towards America than towards Europe.

Charles de Gaulle With US President John F. Kennedy and his wife Jacqueline, Elysee Palace, 1961

He remembered only too well how Churchill had told him during the war: “Remember, whenever I have to choose between a free Europe and the sea, I will always choose the sea. Whenever I have to choose between Roosevelt and you, I will choose Roosevelt!”

First, de Gaulle failed Britain's entry into the Common Market, and then announced that he no longer considered it possible to use the dollar as an international currency, and demanded that all dollars at the disposal of France be exchanged for gold - about one and a half billion. He called this operation his "economic Austerlitz". As historians write, de Gaulle's attitude to the dollar as a "green paper" was formed under the impression of an anecdote once told to him by the Minister of Finance: "A painting by Raphael is being sold at an auction. The Arab offers oil, the Russian offers gold, and the American lays out a stack of hundred dollar bills and buys Raphael for $10,000. As a result, the American got Raphael for three dollars, because the cost of paper for one hundred dollar bill is three cents!”

When President Johnson was informed that a French ship loaded with dollar bills was in New York harbor, and a plane with the same cargo landed at the airport, he almost had a stroke. He tried to promise de Gaulle big troubles - and in return he threatened that he would withdraw all NATO bases from France. Johnson had to agree and pay de Gaulle more than three thousand tons of gold, and in February 1966 de Gaulle still announced France's withdrawal from NATO and the evacuation of all American bases from its territory.

At the same time, he did not forget about his own country: under de Gaulle, a denomination was carried out in France (one new franc was equal to one hundred old), as a result of which the economy was strengthened and the political situation, so turbulent in the early fifties, stabilized. In December 1965, he was re-elected for a second term.

However, already at that time it became noticeable that de Gaulle was losing his authority: to the younger generation he seemed too authoritarian, not listening to other people's advice, obdurate in his outdated principles, others did not approve of his too aggressive foreign policy, constantly threatening to quarrel France with other countries. In the elections, he received only a slight advantage over François Mitterrand, who represented a broad bloc of opposition, but de Gaulle did not draw any conclusions from this. The economic crisis of 1967 further shook his position, and the events of May 1968 finally undermined his influence.

Official portrait of President de Gaulle, 1968

It all started with the fact that after student riots, the university in Nanterre was closed. The students of the Sorbonne rebelled in support of Nanterre and put forward their own demands. Hundreds of people were injured as a result of unsuccessful police actions. In a few days, the rebellion swept through all of France: everyone had already forgotten about the students, but the dissatisfaction with the authorities that had been accumulating for a long time spilled out, it was already impossible to keep it. On the thirteenth of May - exactly ten years after de Gaulle's famous speech during the events in Algiers - a grandiose demonstration took place, people carried banners: "05/13/58-05/13/68 - it's time to leave, Charles!", "Ten years - that's enough!", "De Gaulle to the archive!", "Farewell, de Gaulle!". The country was paralyzed by an indefinite strike.

This time de Gaulle succeeded in putting things in order. He dissolved the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies and called early elections, in which the Gaullists again unexpectedly gained an absolute majority. The reason for this is seen in the fact that, for all the confusion of the May events, there was no real alternative to de Gaulle.

However, he was tired. Faced with the fact that his business and he himself were no longer as popular in the country as he would like, and that his authority was not enough to cope with what was happening in time, de Gaulle decided to leave the arena. In April 1967, he put forward deliberately unpopular bills on the reorganization of the Senate and the reform of the territorial-administrative structure of France to a national referendum, promising to resign in case of failure. On the eve of the vote, the general left Paris for Colombey with the entire archive - he had no illusions about the results. He lost the referendum. On April 28, de Gaulle telephoned Prime Minister Maurice Couve de Murville: “I cease my duties as President of the Republic. This decision takes effect today at noon.”

After retiring, de Gaulle for the first time in many years devoted time only to himself and his family. His son became a senator, his daughter married Colonel Henri de Boisseau, a descendant of aristocrats and a talented military leader. Charles and his wife went on a trip - finally he was able to see neighboring countries not from the window of a government car, but simply walking along the streets. They visited Spain and Ireland, traveled around France, and in the fall of 1970 returned to Colombey, where de Gaulle wanted to finish his memoirs. He never had time to finish them: on November 10, 1970, two weeks before his eightieth birthday, General de Gaulle died of an aortic rupture.

Informing the nation of the general's death, Georges Pompidou, his successor, said: "General de Gaulle is dead, France is widowed."

According to the will, de Gaulle was buried in the cemetery of Colombelet-deux-Eglise, next to his daughter Anna, in the presence of only his closest friends and relatives. On the same day, a funeral mass was held in Notre Dame Cathedral, which was celebrated with special solemnity and great rank by the Cardinal-Archbishop of Paris. It was the least the country could do for the man who had saved it twice.

A few years later, at the entrance to Colombelet-deux-Eglise, a monument was erected - a strict Lorraine cross made of gray granite. It symbolizes not just the greatness of France, not just the hidden power of this whole country, but also an individual, her faithful son and protector - General Charles de Gaulle, who is just as strict and adamant in his service. After his death, much of what he did was forgotten or overestimated, and now the figure of a general in the history of Europe is on a par with such colossi as Napoleon or Charlemagne. Until now, his views remain relevant, his deeds are great, his followers still rule France, and, as before, his name is a symbol of the greatness of the country.