Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova directly border with the countries of the European West.
State Belarus rich in potassium salts and peat, well provided with labor resources. Mechanical engineering includes labor-intensive industries (high-precision machine tools, automatic lines, electronic computers) and metal-intensive industries (automobile and tractor construction, agricultural engineering). The electric power industry has 8 thermal power plants running on gas and fuel oil, which, like metal, come from Russia and Ukraine. The main direction of the chemical-forestry complex is the production of polymers, plastics and synthetic resins. Dairy and beef cattle breeding predominates in animal husbandry. In agriculture, 50% of the sown area is occupied by grain crops, and the third part is forage. Flax crops are most common in the north, and potato plantations are most common in the south. Difficult problems arose in the country in connection with the accident at the Chernobyl nuclear power plant, since a significant part of Belarus was exposed to radioactive contamination. The basis of the territorial structure of the economy is the largest cities. A quarter of the urban population is concentrated in Minsk, half of the engineering products and 20% of light industry are produced.
Ukraine - Russia's largest neighbor in terms of population and output from neighboring countries, located to the south of the Russian Federation. This state has reserves of various minerals. The Donetsk coal basin and iron ore deposits near Krivoy Rog stand out. Kerch iron ores are being developed in the east of the Crimean peninsula, and manganese deposits near the city of Nikopol. Ukraine is rich in mercury, nickel, aluminum and titanium ores. There is table salt in the Donbass, Sivash salts and potash salts in the Carpathians are of industrial importance.
The lack of water resources makes construction difficult. There are many rivers, but they are shallow, with little water resources. The population mainly lives in cities (68%). Labor resources in Ukraine are sufficient.
The basis of the economy is the fuel and energy and machine-building complexes, metallurgy and the chemical industry. Previously, Donbass coal was the basis of the fuel and energy complex. At present, the fuel and energy complex of the state depends on oil and gas supplies from Russia. Electricity is supplied by a cascade of hydroelectric power stations on the Dnieper. Most thermal power plants run on coal. In connection with the accident at the Chernobyl nuclear power plant, the construction of many nuclear power plants (South-Ukrainian, Crimean) was stopped, although the shortage of electricity is currently being experienced very acutely.
Ferrous metallurgy is concentrated in Donetsk, Mariupol, Krivoy Rog and Zaporizhia on a combination of coking coals of Donbass and ores of Krivoy Rog. The machine-building complex is the leading one in the national economy of Ukraine, it specializes in the production of ships and diesel locomotives, trucks and tractors, metallurgical, mining and other equipment. A diverse chemical industry uses local raw materials: waste from metallurgy and coke chemistry, gas, coal, salts.
The agro-industrial complex of Ukraine is very significant in terms of its scale. In the north, in Polissya, flax, fodder and rye are grown. Winter wheat, sugar beet, corn, sunflower are sown in the steppe, pigs, poultry and livestock are bred. There are many orchards, vineyards and essential oil crops in the south. The territory of the state is crossed by a dense network of railways and highways, pipelines, and airlines. Coal, salt, ore, bread are exported through the Black Sea ports, construction timber is in transit. Imported timber, oil, agricultural and tropical farming products are imported, with a significant part of the goods coming from Russia.
Core wealth Moldova— soil and climatic resources: 80% of its territory falls on agricultural land. Unsustainable crops require irrigation and soil erosion control. The state is provided with labor resources. The largest industry is agriculture: the cultivation of grapes, fruits, tobacco, and the production of rose oil. Half of industrial production is the processing of perishable raw materials. Industries that produce equipment for the agro-industrial complex satisfy local needs by only 10%, and the production of packaging is increasing.
Story
Development cultures of Moldova closely related to history. It was influenced by Romanesque roots dating back to the 2nd century AD, to the period of the Roman colonization of Dacia. As a result, the majority of the population of modern Moldova, the Moldovans, being the descendants of immigrants to this region from the Prut (starting from the 14th century), have a common ethnicity with the Romanians.
The formation of Moldavian culture took place in the Middle Ages with the emergence of the Moldavian principality. It was formed in the conditions of contacts with the East Slavic (Old Russian) population, and later under the rule of the Ottoman Empire.
In 1812, the territory of modern Moldova was liberated from Ottoman rule and included in the Bessarabian province Russian Empire which had a great influence on the development of the culture of the region.
After the October Revolution in 1918 Bessarabia went to Romania for 22 years, and the Moldavian ASSR was formed on the left bank of the Dniester, as a result of which for some time the development of culture in them developed differently.
During the years of the existence of the MSSR, the rapid development of culture began, a film studio "Moldova-movie", education developed, etc. The collapse of the USSR and gaining independence led to the strengthening of the national Moldavian component in the modern culture of Moldavia.
Middle Ages
The local population began to identify themselves broadly under the name "Moldovans" by the fourteenth century. One of the oldest sources certifying the appearance of the ethnonym "Moldovan" is a pastoral ballad "Mioritsa".
Another example of Moldavian medieval creativity is the legend about the founding of the Moldavian Principality. Doins, kolindas, ureturs, snoaves were common, many of which have survived to this day.
The majority of the population of medieval Moldavia professed orthodoxy, which led to cultural ties with other Orthodox peoples living on the territory of modern Romania and Ukraine.
Byzantine-South Slavic script influenced the Moldavian-Slavic annals, while Polish historiography influenced the official annals, carried out under the patronage of the Moldavian rulers.
Since the development of culture took place in Principality of Moldova in the conditions of a feudal society, one can single out the culture of the ruling class, represented by written monuments and folk culture, which is reflected in folklore and the way of life.
Formation of an ideological orientation medieval culture of Moldova took place in two stages. In the first, pre-Ottoman period (XIV - first half of the XVI centuries), the ideological necessity of creating a strong centralized and independent state was manifested in culture.
Ottoman period characterized by the development of the idea of struggle for the overthrow of the Turkish yoke and gaining independence.
Of the medieval Moldavian chroniclers, Grigore Ureche, Ion Neculce, Miron and Nikolai Costin are known.
First books(in the form of religious texts) appeared in Moldova in the middle of the seventeenth century under the ruler Vasile Lupu with the participation of Metropolitan Varlaam and with the help of Moscow, Kiev and Lvov, from where printing equipment and paper were brought.
19th century
After joining Bessarabia to Russia, the connection with the Zaprut Moldova, which remained under Ottoman rule, was not completely interrupted.
This is especially true in literature. In the 19th century, such writers as Gheorghe Asachi, Alexandru Donici, Constantin Negruzzi, Alecu Russo, Mihai Kogalniceanu, Vasile Alexandri, Constantin Stamati and many others worked. The works of Derzhavin, Zhukovsky, Lermontov, Karamzin, Pushkin were translated into Moldovan.
Since the nineteenth century, Frenchization begins Romanian literature and art, which enriched the culture and brought it closer to Western European. This process also took place in Zaprut Moldova, which was part of Romania, but in Bessarabia it went to a much lesser extent.
During 1812-1917, when Bessarabia became part of the Russian Empire, Moldavian culture learned a lot from Russian culture.
If before 1812 secular education was not widespread in Bessarabia, then after 1812 a state education system began to take shape: elementary schools, county schools and gymnasiums began to open in all county cities. By 1858, there were about 400 schools of all types in Bessarabia, where more than 12 thousand students studied.
Despite the wide network of educational institutions, literacy in the region remained quite low. By 1897, there were only 15.6% literate (22% men and 8.83% women).
IN Bessarabia were developed and published "Russian-Moldovan primer" (1814), "Short Russian grammar with translation into the Moldavian language" (1819).
In the second half of the 19th century, Ion Creanga, Mihai Eminescu, Bogdan-Petriceicu Hasdeu made their debuts.
Bessarabia within Romania
After joining Romania education was reorganized based on the Romanian system. Between 1920 and 1940, the number of elementary schools increased from 1,564 to 2,188, but the number of secondary schools, on the other hand, almost halved from 76 in 1917 to 39 in 1940.
Until the mid-1930s there was an increase in vocational schools, but their number dropped from 55 in 1932 to 43 in 1940. In 1930, according to the Romanian census, more than 72% of the population remained illiterate, 86.3 thousand people (3.02%) had secondary education, 10.8 thousand (0.3%) had higher education
Moldavian ASSR
For the development of culture in left-bank regions of Moldova, where the Moldavian ASSR was formed, was influenced both by the struggle between the directions of Romanizers and originalists, and by class ideology. Significant progress has been made in public education. Literacy increased from less than 20% before the revolution to 36.9% by 1926.
In 1930, compulsory primary education was introduced, and from the mid-1930s, compulsory seven-year education. Was founded vocational education system, the foundations of science were laid, higher educational institutions were founded.
The Tiraspol Institute of Public Education (1930), the Tiraspol Fruit and Vegetable Institute (1932), and the Baltic Teachers' Institute (1939) were opened. Of the negative trends of the interwar period, one should note severe repressions (the persecution of some writers, scientists and other cultural figures who were declared bourgeois), and the closure of churches.
Moldavian SSR
Immediately after the accession of Bessarabia to USSR in June 1940, the Soviet government assumed responsibility for providing universal free education.
A network of institutions of public education, printing, book publishing, cultural enlightenment, physical culture and sports was created. By 1941 in Moldavian SSR 1896 schools worked, 70% of which taught in the Moldovan language.
In 1940-41. more than 100 thousand schoolchildren received clothes and shoes for free. The number of teachers has almost doubled in a year.
In the autumn of 1940, unions of writers, composers, architects and artists were created, a state philharmonic society was formed, three new theaters and an opera studio were created. In 1940, 138 books were published with a circulation of 1.5 million, of which 1.2 million were in the Moldavian language. 56 newspapers and 3 magazines were published.
Cultural development was interrupted Great Patriotic War However, after the end of the war, rapid development began, as a result of which culture became the property of the broad masses of the population.
Meanwhile, the Soviet government was not interested in maintaining the region's close cultural ties with Romania. Representatives of the local Romanian intelligentsia, as well as the part that arrived from the regions of the old kingdom after 1918 were forced to emigrate. The rest were expelled or even destroyed, which certainly could not but affect the cultural situation in Moldova.
For development cultural spheres, education and science, the Soviet government at the first stage actively attracted qualified specialists from other parts of the USSR.
Later, with the help of personnel training in large Soviet scientific and educational centers, a national Moldavian intelligentsia was created.
During the MSSR, the formation began cinematography in Moldova. A film studio "Moldova-Film" was created, producing several full-length feature films a year, not counting documentaries and animated films.
In the Soviet period, the culture of the Gagauz also developed, living compactly in the southern regions of Moldova.
An alphabet was created based on Cyrillic, dictionaries, school textbooks, books were published: “Legendanyn easy” (Trace of legends, 1974), “Uzun kervan” (Long caravan, 1985), “Zhanavar yortulary” (Wolf Holidays, 1990) and many others.
The Foreign Policy Association, with the financial support of the Foundation Open Society Institute, has prepared an analytical report "Moldovan-Russian Relations: Positive and Destructive Trends in Bilateral Cooperation at the Present Stage". We present it in full.
Moldovan-Russian relations, viewed through the prism of strategic partnership, continue to be tense, despite attempts to bring common positions closer on a whole range of key issues. So far, it has not been possible to bring bilateral dialogue between states to a qualitatively new level. Political mistrust, the frequent use of diplomatic and economic instruments to counter each other's policies gives rise to a de facto permanent stagnation of Moldovan-Russian relations.
The cultural space is increasingly experiencing the full burden of spiritual and social challenges, which are the result of political pressure and the promotion of internal and external political influence, engagement by the political elites of the Moldovan-Russian cultural space. The populist tactics widely used by the authorities of Moldova and Russia lead to the increasing activity of agents of Russian influence in the Republic of Moldova and the growth of dividing lines in society along the geopolitical principle.
The experience of many years of cooperation, achievements in various fields, the versatility of mutually beneficial ties are not fully used by the states. It is on these postulates that a new platform of bilateral cooperation should be based, which, combined with respect for the European foreign policy vector of the development of the Republic of Moldova and the role of Russia at the regional and international levels, will be capable of building and developing a new format of Moldovan-Russian cooperation in modern conditions.
Political tensions
After the ratification by the Parliament of the Republic of Moldova of the Association Agreement with the EU on July 2, 2014, the Moldovan-Russian dialogue began to show a trend towards worsening relations. Moldova was guided in this matter by external pragmatism, which was based, among other things, on an attempt to weaken Russian influence. Despite the predicted split of the Moldovan society, the position of Gagauzia and the Transnistrian region Moldova made its choice in favor of European civilization.
In Russia, the decision was considered illogical, and symmetrical measures were taken without delay. On the same day, 7 memorandums on interdepartmental cooperation between the authorities of Russia and the unrecognized Pridnestrovie were signed, which were aimed at enhancing bilateral trade, ensuring optimal schemes for the delivery of Pridnestrovian goods to the Russian market and other states of the Eurasian Economic Union, attracting investments to the Pridnestrovian region, interaction in matters of international passenger and freight transportation by road and rail, as well as cooperation in the field of antimonopoly policy and in the field of education and culture.
This step was perceived by the Moldovan side as the beginning of Russia's use of political instruments aimed at the most vulnerable areas in the relations of states as a sign of protest and expression of dissatisfaction with the European choice of the Republic of Moldova. The curtailment of political dialogue significantly aggravated the situation, the complexities of bilateral relations became apparent, and the need to relieve tension in bilateral interaction became more and more tangible.
In April 2016, after the invitation of the Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Foreign Affairs and European Integration A. Galbur to Moscow, made by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation S. Lavrov, there were hopes for a breakthrough in relations between Moldova and Russia. During the working meeting, issues of giving impetus to the Moldovan-Russian cooperation were considered. This was a manifestation of the desire on the part of the Moldovan authorities to resume bilateral cooperation, and on the Russian side, the readiness to review and converge positions on key issues of bilateral cooperation. The reason for the search for ways to bring pro-European parties closer to Russia was not only the upcoming presidential elections, but also the understanding of the need to overcome the crisis in political dialogue, in an attempt to start building a new platform for cooperation between states. However, the parties failed to come to this conclusion.
There was a long pause in the political dialogue between the heads of state of the Republic of Moldova and the Russian Federation, which was largely due to the peculiarities of the internal political development of the Republic of Moldova. However, on January 17, 2017, after a nine-year break, relations between the presidents were resumed again. The first foreign visit of the newly elected President I. Dodon was to Moscow, which was perceived by many as a confirmation of his pro-Russian aspirations, intentions to normalize the Moldovan-Russian cooperation and statements about the restoration of the strategic partnership with Russia, made by him during the election race.
The change in the foreign policy priorities of the Republic of Moldova, the termination of the Association Agreement with the EU, as well as his statement about the need to keep peacekeepers in Transnistria can be considered rash. This caused a resonance of opinions in the Moldovan society, a stormy reaction from experts and analysts, and battles of discussions initiated by the media.
The perception by Russia of the statements made by the President of Moldova is interesting. V. Putin said: "I very much hope that your first visit to Russia, this is your first trip abroad as president, it will be a good impetus for the development of our interstate ties in all areas." The need to intensify the Moldovan-Russian dialogue is undeniable.
The dialogue of the heads of state seems to be extremely important, as it sets the tone for bilateral cooperation in general. It seems to be objective. However, the issue of political trust remains unclear. In Russia, they cannot but understand that the powers of the President under the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova will not allow him to implement his statements, due to the lack of levers of influence on politics. Consequently, they admit a share of doublethink and political opportunism in the statements made by the First Person of the State, however, despite this, they preferred to establish a dialogue with him. In 2017, four bilateral meetings were held at the level of heads of state. In addition, the heads of state discussed the possibilities of developing cooperation in the post-Soviet space within the framework of the Summit of CIS Leaders and the meeting of the Supreme Eurasian Economic Council, held in Sochi in October 2017.
In turn, the Parliament and the Government of the Republic of Moldova were outraged by the fact that the President, whose powers in foreign policy are limited, does not coordinate his actions with the authorities regarding the statements made in Moscow. P. Filip assured that the Association Agreement with the EU is part of the government program, which, like the European vector of the country's development, will remain unchanged. It can be assumed that the painful reaction of the Moldovan authorities followed Moscow's preference to develop a dialogue only with the President, while the pro-European majority took a number of actions aimed at resuming bilateral cooperation.
In the context of the ambiguity that characterizes the current Moldovan-Russian political dialogue, the parties celebrated in 2017 the 25th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations. The commitment and readiness for cooperation were reflected in the congratulatory messages of the presidents and ministers of foreign affairs of the states, the main achievements of long-term cooperation were especially noted, namely, the creation of strong, multifaceted, friendly and mutually beneficial ties in almost all areas, and the prospects for bilateral dialogue were outlined - entering a new level of strategic partnership.
It would seem that the emerging positive dynamics in the political dialogue of states will gradually be firmly established, however, the announcement of Russian Vice Minister D. Rogozin persona non grata and the expulsion of Russian diplomats have become precedents for the deterioration of relations and a demonstration of mutual misunderstanding and political distrust. One of the last events of the outgoing year was the recall of the Ambassador of the Republic of Moldova to the Russian Federation A. Neguta for an indefinite period of time, which was the subject of stormy criticism from both the President of Moldova and the Russian side.
Of course, for the diplomatic relations of the states, this measure can be considered as an unfriendly action, not without provocative motives related to the internal political situation in the Republic of Moldova.
Under the current conditions, mutually beneficial Moldovan-Russian cooperation is seen as possible only through the creation of a new platform for interaction between states, based on pragmatism, devoid of illusions and incitement, taking into account the European foreign policy vector of the Republic of Moldova and the role of Russia in the regional and international context.
Economic factor: main tools, strategies and tactics of bilateral cooperation
In general, the period from 2014 to 2017 is characterized by tense Moldovan-Russian relations. Russia's opposition was not limited to diplomatic methods; economic instruments were also widely used, which led to a reduction in trade between the two countries by more than half. On September 1, 2014, the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation dated July 31, 2014 "On the introduction of import customs duties on goods whose country of origin is the Republic of Moldova" came into force in order to protect the interests of Russian economic operators. Thus, the bans on the supply of Moldovan canned food, fruits and meat to the Russian Federation, which were introduced on the eve of the signing of the Association Agreement with the EU, were joined by import duties on 19 commodity items. Despite the fact that the Republic of Moldova did not introduce retaliatory prohibitive measures on the import of Russian products to Moldova and advocated the abolition of customs duties imposed by Russia on certain categories of Moldovan goods, it was not possible to remove the restrictive measures. The result was a significant loss of Moldova's position in the Russian market. In January-September 2016 compared to January-September 2015, the Russian-Moldovan trade turnover decreased by 13.9% and amounted to 788.1 million US dollars, export - 631.8 million US dollars (-19%) , import - 156.3 million US dollars (+16.1%). It became more and more difficult to maneuver between the two zones of influence - the Russian Federation and the EU, and it was not possible for the Moldovan and Russian parties to work out a compromise, mutually beneficial solution, based on the changed foreign policy vector of Moldova.
The political nature of the embargo was denied by the Russian authorities. Rosselkhoznadzor and Rospotrebnadzor focused on the violation of phytosanitary standards. In addition, the Russian Federation was seriously concerned about the practice of re-exporting products from the EU to the Russian market under the guise of Moldovan goods. This problem has been further aggravated as a result of the difficulties that have arisen in relations between Russia and the European Union.
Understanding the complexity of the current situation, which was aggravated by the discontent of the representatives of the business environment, labor migrants and ordinary citizens, in 2016 the Moldovan authorities undertook a number of efforts to develop a roadmap for restoring trade relations between the countries. Particular attention was paid to the prospects for the resumption of exports of agri-food and alcoholic products to the Russian market, and the possibilities of bilateral cooperation in the energy sector, transport, investment, migration and other issues were discussed. This was not an easy task, since Russia has repeatedly voiced criticism of the Eastern Partnership and its anti-Russian orientation. In November 2016, the work of the Moldovan-Russian interdepartmental commission on trade and economic cooperation was resumed.
At the same time, the effect of the appearance of a breakthrough in establishing economic cooperation is associated with a dialogue between the presidents of the two countries. Moldova for the first quarter of 2017 increased in annual terms by 42% the export of goods to Russia. In January-March 2017, the export of goods amounted to $528.2 million, which is 26.8% more than in the same period of the previous year.
In addition, the Russian side resumed dialogue with the Republic of Moldova on migration issues. From March 1, 2017, an amnesty for labor migrants from Moldova began to operate. It seems important to note that the decisions that were taken by Russia as a result of the Moldovan-Russian negotiations on the practical solution of the most important problems related to labor migrants and the opening of segments of the Russian market to resume the supply of Moldovan products were made in order to support the efforts of the Moldovan President aimed at normalization of Moldovan-Russian relations.
It seems important to maintain the positive dynamics of trade and economic cooperation. The parties should develop economic relations guided by the principles of mutually beneficial cooperation based on pragmatism and mutually beneficial interests. It is necessary to move away from the declarative and formal nature of these principles and direct efforts towards the development of a new format of economic interaction, taking into account the above principles and the current realities of the development of states, in particular, the European vector of development of the Republic of Moldova.
In this context, it can be assumed that Russia will welcome the termination of EU financial assistance to the Republic of Moldova. This is especially evident in the context of her expectations of a change in the geopolitical vector by our country, which is constantly reinforced by criticism of the Eastern Partnership. This fact can be clearly demonstrated by the example of the statements made by the Permanent Representative of the Russian Federation to the EU V. Chizhov, made following the results of the Eastern Partnership summit held in November 2017 in Brussels. "The results of the summit show that the Eastern Partnership is running out of steam as a life-changing political and economic initiative of the European Union." This indicates the possibility of revising the entire agenda of the Moldovan-Russian cooperation, including trade and economic cooperation, depending on the results of the upcoming parliamentary elections in Moldova in 2018.
The issue of Moldovan-Russian cooperation in the fuel and energy sector continues to be important. PJSC Gazprom continues to meet the needs of the Republic of Moldova in natural gas. In 2016 JSC "Moldovagaz" paid for gas supplied to consumers in the Republic of Moldova, excluding Transnistria. Despite this, the Russian side noted the increase in the debt of JSC "Moldovagaz" to PJSC "Gazprom" in 2015-2016. According to the decision of the Intergovernmental Commission for Economic Cooperation between the Republic of Moldova and the Russian Federation, the parties should continue consultations on a comprehensive solution of problematic issues of cooperation in the gas sector.
In this context, one should also mention the debt of Pridnestrovie to Gazprom. During his visit to Moscow, I. Dodon announced Moldova's readiness to take responsibility for the gas debt of the Left Bank, since in the aggregate it is the debt of the Republic of Moldova.
Despite the criticism of his statements, it can be assumed that he most likely wanted not only to enlist Russian support, but also considered this step from the point of view of the so-called "return" of Transnistria to Moldova. It is not entirely clear how, under his authority, he plans to implement this, because gas agreements are not within the competence of the President.
At the same time, the issue of Moldova's dependence on Russian energy supplies continues to be problematic, especially in the light of Russia's intentions to abandon gas transit through Ukraine by creating alternative gas pipelines. In particular, we are talking about the developed and ratified Turkish Stream project, which is able to fully provide gas to the south of Europe. Its launch is scheduled for 2019. This poses new problematic issues for Moldova in this area. In case of success of this project, gas transit to Moldova will be carried out through Romania. This will inevitably lead to an increase in the price of energy resources, as the supply arm and the number of transit countries through which Russian gas will enter the Moldovan gas pipelines will increase. In addition, Moldova will lose the opportunity to receive payments for gas transit. This is an important argument, since most of the revenue of the state budget of the Republic of Moldova is covered by customs duties on imports, in which the share of VAT on imports of natural gas is almost half. All this testifies to Moldova's dependence on Russia in the energy and gas sectors.
It should not be forgotten that the Republic of Moldova, being a member of the European Energy Community, has assumed obligations for the implementation of energy packages. Moldova managed to achieve a postponement until 2020 for the implementation of technical standards that caused disagreements with the Russian side. However, the harmonization of the legal framework in line with EU standards, the reform of the electricity market, the modernization of infrastructure and the restructuring of the energy system continue to be problematic and require significant internal potential and human resources to implement the plans.
Cultural space: spiritual and social challenges
The Russian heritage is an integral part of the cultural space of Moldova. This common value foundation of the peoples living in Moldova is often used for the purpose of political pressure or promotion of political influence, both external and internal. It is important to avoid the so-called fault lines in the national cultural space of the Republic of Moldova. Many of them are clearly visible and touch upon the issues of demarcation of nations and drawing cultural boundaries, the language factor, the revision of the centuries-old common cultural heritage, the restructuring of the system of value orientations in relation to public holidays, a total change in public consciousness. The aggravation of divisions in the Moldovan society into pro-European and pro-Russian supporters, as well as the trend towards the growth of pro-Russian views, would be fair to call the result of the population's disappointment in the Democratic Coalition, its policy, which led to very serious problems that the citizens of the Republic of Moldova had to face.
The strengthening of the common Moldovan-Russian cultural space must be considered from the point of view of national significance and not resort to its engagement by the political elites of both states. A significant part of the migrating population are ethnic minorities. Many of them are well educated, have professional qualifications and are in demand both in the countries of the near and far abroad. The main reasons for migration are the low level of knowledge of the state language, the inability to fully realize oneself in professional activities, the difficult economic situation in the country, the lack of jobs and meager wages, as well as the low likelihood of fundamental changes in the medium term. As a result, the changing structure of society is not characterized by the most favorable dynamics. Local authorities do not actually take decisive action aimed at maintaining a skilled workforce and human potential. At the same time, the effective resettlement policy of the Russian Federation, aimed at assisting the voluntary resettlement of compatriots living abroad, has been very successful. Many residents of the Republic of Moldova took advantage of the opportunity presented to them and emigrated to permanent residence in Russia.
At the same time, the resettlement of compatriots is considered by Russia itself as an opportunity to fill its regions with a new workforce, specialists in many areas of life and return to their native culture. The Moldovan authorities should focus their efforts on developing a set of effective measures aimed at preventing the risks associated with the outflow of Moldovan citizens and, as a result, the loss of human capital, the aggravation of demographic problems, the decrease in the number of taxpayers and the electoral turnout in elections.
In the Republic of Moldova, manipulative influence remains due to the influence of Russian ideological and information resources, which feeds the existing socio-cultural stereotypes. The problem lies not only in the spreading propaganda and disinformation on the part of the Russian Federation, but also in the fact that Moldova is characterized by a secondary perception of itself. Power structures and the expert community often raise the question: “Who are we for Russia?”. Whereas priority should be given to the national interests of the Republic of Moldova and the search for pragmatic solutions for their implementation.
The fight against Russian propaganda and disinformation has long been the subject of heated discussions in the Republic of Moldova, but no practical measures have been taken. A radical step in changing this situation is the adoption by the Parliament of the Republic of Moldova of the Law on Amending the Code on Television and Radio on December 7, 2017, which is aimed at restricting the broadcasting and rebroadcasting on the territory of Moldova of information-analytical, political and military broadcasts from states that have not ratified the European Convention on cross-border broadcasting. In fact, this law restricts the broadcasting of these programs from Russia, since the Russian Federation has not ratified this convention.
The President of the Republic of Moldova criticized this initiative and said that he would not sign this law because it is unconstitutional. The Russian side also reacted sharply. Deputy Foreign Minister of the Russian Federation G. Karasin called this measure "an information blockade by the Republic of Moldova of its own population." Opinions in Moldovan society are divided. Some considered it expected, predictable and necessary. Others tried to find the reason that prompted such a decision. At the same time, few people recalled the obligations assumed by Moldova to the EU regarding the improvement of the legislative framework for regulating the activities of the media and the key goal of this bill - the information security of the state.
The Russian media also have a significant influence on the Transnistrian region and Gagauzia. This was clearly demonstrated by the referendum held illegally on its territory in 2014 on attitudes towards the country's foreign policy and the results of the presidential elections in 2016, during which I. Dodon, who managed to build his election campaign on the thesis of rapprochement with Russia, scored during the elections in Gagauzia 99% of the votes.
These events drew increased attention of the international community to the region and its problems and revealed the need to reduce the role of the Russian media. In view of this, it seems important to focus efforts on the problems of ethnic minorities living in these territories and develop tools and mechanisms that will accelerate their integration into Moldovan society, justify both the importance of their interest in being an integral part of the modernizing Moldovan society, and the value of the presence of ethnic minorities for single state.
Russian influence is fueled by the so-called fifth column, which opposes the main policy of the state - the course towards European integration. Not only the activities of Russian foundations in Moldova are activated, but also political parties, Russian agents of influence, experts, journalists, public figures acting under political cover. Their main goal is to break the political and financial relations of the Republic of Moldova with the EU.
The difficulty of drawing dividing lines between the opposition and the fifth column is becoming more and more palpable.
In this context, it is important to note the creation in the Parliament of a strong faction of the pro-Russian party - the Party of Socialists of the Republic of Moldova, the election of the leader of the pro-Russian forces as the president of the country, who widely uses populist tactics, expressed in unreasonable promises to the people in order to gain wide popularity. At the same time, understanding the essence of what is happening, he appeals with the category of “pro-Moldovan parliament”, thereby trying to emphasize his commitment to the national interests of the country.
It should also be noted the politicization of the spread and use in their own interests of the status of the "imperial minority". Feeding ethnic tension with various initiatives, the division of society along geopolitical principles, economic, cultural and media influence, a split in society is artificially created. It should be understood that the oppositionists are, first of all, patriots of their country, who promote their own ideological views, which run counter to the official policy, for the benefit of their Motherland.
The actions of the opposition, which harm the national interests of the country, already belong to the category of the mentioned fifth column. The problem of the superiority of the imperial minority, the preservation of the widespread use of the Russian language and the nostalgia of ethnic minorities about the Soviet past are used by agents of Russian influence not to solve these problems in the Republic of Moldova, but to consolidate mental dependence on the Russian Federation in Moldovan society in order to use this factor in promoting their own political interests. An important role in the activation of the fifth column belongs to the Russian media broadcasting on the territory of the Republic of Moldova. All this leads to an increase in ethnic tension.
The issues of spiritual and social challenges facing the entire Orthodox world in many ways unite the Moldovan and Russian people. The high level of religiosity in both states makes it possible to strengthen the Orthodox Church and, at the same time, building certain political and social programs based on the worldviews of people. During the meeting of Patriarch Kirill and I. Dodon, which took place on September 22, 2016, threats to statehood, values and traditions were discussed. The church plays an important role, including in shaping the political preferences of citizens. The presidents of the Republic of Moldova and the Russian Federation are popular, among other things, due to the openness of their attitude towards the church and Christian principles and values that they declare. The initiative proposed by I. Dodon on the national reconciliation of the right and left banks of the Dniester is partly based on Orthodoxy and faith as incentives for the unification of the country and the reunification of territorial integrity.
The worldview of people and their religious openness should not become part of political programs. Respect for spiritual values and traditions, the preservation of faith are an important component in the development of states. However, they should not be used to promote political schemes and serve as the basis for all sorts of political speculation.
Transnistrian conflict
The Transnistrian issue can be considered as part of Russia's overall strategy aimed at maintaining its influence in the region and the possibility of influencing foreign policy, including changing foreign policy priorities.
The issue of the withdrawal of Russian troops from the territory of Transnistria continues to be problematic. Russia has repeatedly stated that the Operational Group of Russian Forces will not leave Transnistria, referring to the fact that ammunition is stored in Kolbasna, appealing to historical memory and legal grounds, in particular, to the Agreement on the Principles of the Peaceful Settlement of the Armed Conflict dated July 21, 1992. The same arguments are used to justify the Russian side's skepticism about changing the format of the peacekeeping mission, which is reinforced by fears that the conflict will escalate due to the emergence of a new source of open tension in Southeast Europe.
Moldova believes that the transformation of the peacekeeping mission into a police mission can lead to a solution to the problem. In Russia, they stand exclusively for a political settlement of the conflict, and arguments about the possibility of breaking the current format of the peacekeeping operation and the withdrawal of the Russian military from the left bank of the Dniester are divorced from reality.
The Prime Minister of Moldova, Pavel Filip, in his speech at the 72nd session of the UN General Assembly, which was held on September 19-22, 2017, asked for support in the withdrawal of the OGRF from the Transnistrian region, referring to the declaration of the Moldovan Parliament of July 21, according to which the presence of Russian troops in the territory Republic of Moldova was called illegal. The Russian side regarded this step as a provocative initiative of the Moldovan authorities.
After a long pause in Vienna on November 27-28, 2017, another round of negotiations took place in the 5+2 format on the Transnistrian settlement. Particular attention was paid to the agreements reached between Chisinau and Tiraspol and significant progress in the negotiation process.
The opening of the bridge near the villages of Gura Bicului-Bychok is an important step in the Transnistrian settlement, which will bring positive changes for the local population and have a positive impact on the entire OSCE area. At the same time, there is an opinion in the expert community of the Republic of Moldova that the haste of the adopted documents can delay the solution of the Transnistrian problem.
The Russian Federation is an important partner for the Republic of Moldova. Modification of its policy towards our state or revision of individual decisions are seen as possible if a clear position of the Moldovan side is developed. The tension of political relations between states can be overcome by moving away from controversial discussions and searching for a common denominator in bilateral cooperation. This could be the key to success and the beginning of a new platform for dialogue.
The use of political pressure and countermeasures in the interaction between the two countries leads to the stagnation of relations, the undermining of the agreements reached, the political trust between the authorities, the repetition of mistakes and miscalculations. Partnership should be built on the basis of the changed modern realities of the development of states, the regional and international context. Trade and economic cooperation should be based on pragmatism and mutually beneficial interests.
The deepening and externally fueled fault lines in the cultural space are a serious challenge for future Moldovan-Russian relations. The cultural factor should serve as a platform for cohesion, the implementation of common interests and joint socio-cultural programs and projects aimed at improving the lives of the population of both states. The Transnistrian conflict continues to be a cornerstone in the bilateral relations of the states. The authorities of the Republic of Moldova should concentrate their efforts on developing their own clear position on this issue, which will be equally declared by all internal state institutional structures, and not supported by the parliamentary majority and criticized by the president. Only in this case, the Republic of Moldova will be able to enlist the support of international structures for the demilitarization of the Transnistrian region.
The analysis of the Moldovan-Russian relations allows us to formulate the following recommendations:
It seems necessary to reconsider the problem areas related to the convergence of positions on the fundamental issues of bilateral cooperation. Careful consideration should be given to building the foundations for political trust, which is the key to the success of subsequent cooperation. Duplicity, political opportunism and incitement in political relations between states should be avoided. This will bring relations to a qualitatively new level and will form a solid foundation for an updated cooperation platform.
- Economic instruments should not be used as a counter to current policies, it is important to focus on common pragmatic economic interests. The new format of trade and economic cooperation should be built on the basis of the existing reality - the European aspirations of the Republic of Moldova. Even with this factor in mind, the area of bilateral economic cooperation between states remains quite wide, and there is room for the development of new areas of trade and economic cooperation.
- It seems unacceptable to draw cultural boundaries, use the language factor and populist tactics in order to promote certain political interests in Moldovan-Russian relations. The same applies to Russian ideological and informational resources aimed at propaganda, misinformation and feeding the remaining socio-cultural stereotypes in the Republic of Moldova.
- It is necessary to move away from the division of society along the geopolitical principle, which leads to the aggravation of ethnic tension. The religious openness of the population of the Republic of Moldova should not be used to realize political interests and promote individual political schemes to promote and spread the already remaining influence of the Russian Federation.
- The solution of the Transnistrian problem continues to be dependent to a greater extent on external actors and requires the development of a clear position of the Moldovan authorities, which they will systematically follow.
Sterkul Natalia
Program Director, Department of Oriental Studies: Ukraine and Russia Association of Foreign
Politicians of the Republic of Moldova
The development of the culture of Moldova is closely connected with history. It was influenced by Romanesque roots dating back to the 2nd century AD, to the period of the Roman colonization of Dacia. As a result, most of the population of modern Moldova, the Moldovans, being the descendants of immigrants to this region from the Prut (starting from the 14th century), have a common ethnicity with the Romanians. The formation of Moldavian culture took place in the Middle Ages with the emergence of the Moldavian Principality. It was formed in the conditions of contacts with the East Slavic (Old Russian) population, and then under the rule of the Ottoman Empire. In 1812, the territory of modern Moldova was liberated from Ottoman domination and included in the Bessarabian province of the Russian Empire, which had a great influence on the development of the culture of the region. After the October Revolution in 1918, Bessarabia was ceded to Romania for 22 years, and the Moldavian ASSR was formed on the left bank of the Dniester, as a result of which, for some time, the development of culture in them evolved differently.
During the years of the existence of the MSSR, the rapid development of culture began, the film studio "Moldova-Film" was created, education developed, etc. The collapse of the USSR and gaining independence led to the strengthening of the national Moldavian component in the modern culture of Moldova.
Middle Ages
The local population began to identify themselves broadly under the name "Moldovans" by the fourteenth century. One of the oldest sources certifying the appearance of the ethnonym "Moldovan" is the pastoral ballad "Mioritsa". Another example of Moldavian medieval creativity is the legend about the founding of the Moldavian Principality. Doins, colindas, ureturs, snoaves were common, many of which have survived to this day. The majority of the population of medieval Moldova professed Orthodoxy, which led to cultural ties with other Orthodox peoples living on the territory of modern Romania and Ukraine. Byzantine-South Slavic writing influenced the Moldavian-Slavic chronicles, while Polish historiography influenced the official chronicle, carried out under the patronage of the Moldavian rulers.
Since the development of culture took place in the Moldavian principality in the conditions of a feudal society, it is possible to single out the culture of the ruling class, represented by written monuments and folk culture, which is reflected in folklore and the way of life. The formation of the ideological orientation of the medieval culture of Moldova took place in two stages. In the first, pre-Ottoman period (XIV - first half of the XVI centuries), the ideological necessity of creating a strong centralized and independent state was manifested in culture. The Ottoman period is characterized by the development of the idea of struggle for the overthrow of the Turkish yoke and gaining independence.
Music
More: Music of the Moldavian SSR
In 1940, a state conservatory, a philharmonic society, a music and drama theater, and a secondary music school were opened in Chisinau. The philharmonic included a symphony orchestra, a choir "Doina", and, in addition, a group of pop artists. The war years saw a fruitful period in the work of the Moldavian composer Stefan Neaga. David Grigorievich Gershfeld, S. B. Shapiro and others worked in the genre of patriotic song.
After the war, musical groups resumed their activities, and the rapid development of music began. Composers such as L. S. Gurov, S. M. Lobel, V. G. Zagorsky, S. V. Zlatov, V. L. Polyakov, G. S. Nyaga, P. B. Rivilis, N. I. Makovei, A. P. Luxembourg, T. V. Kiriyak. D. G. Gershfeld, D. G. Fedov, A. B. Mulyar, Z. M. Tkach, E. D. Doga work in the instrumental concerto genre. Moldavian composers of the Soviet period create numerous rhapsodies, suites, ballads, arrangements of Moldavian folk songs, music for children, romances. Much attention is paid to the development of choral art.
The operas Grozovan by David Gershfeld, The Heart of Dominica by A. G. Styrcha, The Bedbug, Called by the Revolution, and The Dragon by E. L. Lazarev gained fame. The ballets "Dawn" by V. G. Zagorsky (1959), "The Broken Sword" (1959), "Ghosts" (1959), "Antony and Cleopatra" (1965), "Arabesques" (1970) by E. L. Lazarev, "Radd" by D. G. Gershfeld (1975), "Crossroads" by V. G. Zagorsky (1974).
During the Soviet period, much attention was paid to the development of music education. In 1963, the State Institute of Arts named after GV Muzicescu was established, there were three music schools, more than 50 children's music schools, a secondary specialized music boarding school.
The academic ensemble of folk dance "Zhok", the orchestra of Moldovan folk instruments "Fluerash", the ensembles "Codru", "Leutarii", the groups "Noroc", "Contemporanul", "Orizont", "Play" enjoyed great popularity.
Culture and traditions of Moldavians from Syrkovo village MD, Rezina.
Culture and traditions of Moldavians from Syrkovo village MD, Rezina. On the culture and temperament of the Moldovan communities in the...
6:52 min.
Eastern Europe is a part of Europe that characterizes its eastern territories. As a term, "Eastern Europe does not have a strict definition and clear boundaries. Its territory has changed with the course of history. Thus, during the Cold War, all the countries of the Soviet bloc were referred to Eastern Europe. After the end of the Cold War, many countries began to be attributed to other regions.
According to the UN definition, Eastern Europe includes the following states: Belarus, Bulgaria, Hungary, Moldova, Poland, Romania, Russia, Slovakia, Ukraine and the Czech Republic.
BELORUSSIA (belor. Belarus) - an unofficial name, the full official name is the Republic of Belarus, the second abbreviated name Belarus is a state in Eastern Europe. It borders with Russia in the east, Ukraine in the south, Poland in the west, Lithuania and Latvia in the northwest.
The capital of the Republic of Belarus is Minsk.
Belarus is divided into 6 regions, the regions are divided into districts and cities of regional subordination. The total number of districts in all regions is 118, and the cities of regional subordination - 12. The city of Minsk is an independent administrative unit, which is not included in any region.
Regions: Brest, Vitebsk, Gomel, Grodno, Minsk, Mogilev.
Economy
The economy in Belarus is built on the principles of a socially oriented market model.
The structure of the Belarusian economy is characterized by the dominance of state ownership in the production, energy, transport, mining, construction, agriculture and banking sectors, and a small share of the private sector.
There is no centralized distribution and planning, except for macroeconomic indicators. The state regulates prices for socially significant groups of goods.
The retail and wholesale trade and the service sector are dominated by the private sector.
The presence of a significant public sector allows the government to support social programs, pay for medicine and education, subsidize agriculture and housing and communal services, and allocate soft loans for housing construction.
The country has developed energy, engineering, agriculture, chemical and timber industries, construction and production of building materials and mining.
The main export items are oil products, potash fertilizers, foodstuffs, products of mechanical engineering and the chemical industry and metallurgy.
In March 2011, a monetary and financial crisis began in Belarus.
Population
According to the 2009 census, 9 million 504 thousand people lived in the country. Belarusians (83.7%), Russians (8.3%), Poles (3.1%), Ukrainians (1.7%), Jews (0.1%). Urban population - 74.3%
According to operational data, the population of Belarus as of March 1, 2013 amounted to 9 million 461.8 thousand people.
Crime
In 2010, 140,920 crimes were registered in Belarus.
The highest crime rate among the regions of Belarus is observed in Minsk
in second place is the Minsk region (153.7). The most criminogenic city in terms of the crime rate is Bobruisk, the leader in the number of murders "per capita" is Lida. According to the Prosecutor General's Office and the Interior Ministry, the crime rate in the country is declining.
At the same time, the number of crimes committed by foreigners and those with previous convictions has increased.
Main article:
In 2008, 61 religious and 3 monastic communities were registered in the Republic. There are 25 religious denominations and directions.
Armed Forces of the Republic of Belarus
The Ministry of Defense and the Belarusian army were created in January 1992. They were created on the basis of the former Soviet troops stationed on the territory of Belarus, with the involvement of Belarusians who served in other regions of the Soviet Union.
At present, there are two types of troops in the Armed Forces - the Ground Forces, the Air Force and the Air Defense Forces. Also directly subordinate to the General Staff is the branch of the armed forces - the Special Operations Forces (SOF). There are also special troops (services), rear services.
The strength of the Armed Forces is 62,000 people, including 48,000 military personnel and 14,000 civilian personnel. As of the end of 2006, 23.1% of servicemen served on a contract basis.
UKRAINE is a state in Eastern Europe.
The capital is Kyiv.
The state language is Ukrainian.
Unitary state, presidential-parliamentary republic.
In March 2010, Viktor Yanukovych took over as president.
It is subdivided into 27 administrative-territorial units, 24 of which are regions, 1 is an autonomous republic, and 2 are cities of state subordination (Kyiv, Sevastopol).
The independence of the country was proclaimed on August 24, 1991. For the previous 69 years, it was part of the USSR.
Population
by July 2012, its numbers had dwindled to 45,561,989. Ukraine is thus the most populated country in Eastern Europe and ranks thirtieth in the world in terms of population.
Kyiv is the capital and largest city of Ukraine with a population of over 2.8 million people
The average population density is about 77.3 people per km², while the population is unevenly distributed: the most densely populated are the industrial eastern regions (Donetsk, Luhansk, Dnepropetrovsk, Kharkiv) and the Carpathian regions (Lviv, Ivano-Frankivsk, Chernivtsi).
The share of the urban population is 64%. As of 2013, 4 cities have a population of more than 1 million people: Kyiv Kharkov Odessa Dnepropetrovsk.
Armed forces
Currently, the Ukrainian army is actively involved in peacekeeping operations.
They are completed by conscription for military service of men aged 18-25. The number for 2012 is 184 thousand people.
The military command of the Armed Forces is exercised by the General Staff.
Organizationally, the Armed Forces of Ukraine consist of military command and control bodies, associations, formations, military units, military educational institutions, institutions and organizations.
Today, the armed forces of Ukraine include:
Ground troops
Mechanized and tank troops
Rocket troops and artillery.
Air defense troops
air force
Organizationally, the Naval Forces include:
The main base of the Naval Forces is Sevastopol. The main bases of the Ukrainian Navy: Odessa, Novoozernoye, Saki.
Economy
General condition, main indicators
Ukraine is considered an export-oriented country, according to some estimates, it receives 50% of GDP from exports.
The industries that are still working to some extent are metallurgy, energy (there are nuclear power plants and a whole cascade of hydroelectric power plants on the Dnieper River), as well as the chemical and mining industries (coal and ore mining).
The most economically developed regions are Donbass (Donetsk region and Lugansk region), Dnieper region (Dnipropetrovsk region and Zaporozhye region), as well as the cities of Kiev, Kharkov, Odessa and Lvov.
The economy, with its market nature, is characterized by the active role of the state: it owns about 140 large enterprises in various sectors of the national economy, and also controls the prices of a number of goods, including basic foodstuffs and fuels and lubricants.
MOLDOVA, the official name is the Republic of Moldova, a state in South-Eastern Europe. It borders on Ukraine and Romania.
Unitary state, parliamentary republic. Nicolae Timofti has been President since March 2012.
It is subdivided into 39 administrative-territorial units, 32 of which are districts, 5 municipalities and 2 autonomous-territorial entities - Gagauzia and the Left Bank of the Dniester.
It has significant ethnic and cultural diversity. Most of the believers (about 88% of the population) profess Orthodoxy.
The independence of the country was proclaimed on August 27, 1991. From 1940 to 1991 it was part of the USSR under the name of the Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic.
Population
According to estimates, as of January 1, 2012, the permanent population of the Republic of Moldova amounted to 3559.5 thousand people. (without Transnistria (PMR)).
The population of the Republic of Moldova is multinational and multicultural. The bulk of the population, or 75.8% (according to the 2004 census) are Moldovans. They also live: Ukrainians - 8.4%, Russians - 5.9%, Gagauzians - 4.4%, Romanians - 2.2%, Bulgarians - 1.9%, etc.
The population density is 111.4 people per 1 km².
Economy
The climate of Moldova is conducive to agriculture. There are no deposits of mineral resources in the country, and therefore the country's economy is based on agriculture. Almost all energy resources have to be imported.
According to some estimates (US CIA handbook), up to 25% of Moldova's labor force works abroad.
The main importers are Russia 29%, Romania 15%, Italy 10%.
The main exporters are Russia 21%, Romania 16%, Ukraine 15%.
There are 174 wineries in Moldova.
Foreign policy
GUAM is an interstate organization established in October 1997 by the former Soviet republics - Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan and Moldova (from 1999 to 2005 Uzbekistan also belonged to the organization). The name of the organization was formed from the first letters of the names of its member countries. Before Uzbekistan left the organization, it was called GUUAM. The policy of the organization is aimed at strengthening ties between its members.
EUROPEAN UNION
The Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between the EU and Moldova, mainly devoted to trade and financial cooperation, entered into force only in 1998.
One of the options for the unification of Romania and Moldova (without Transnistria)
Romania has repeatedly declared its desire to annex Moldova to itself. The main reason for this, Romanian officials called the illegal, in their opinion, the rejection of this territory from Greater Romania and its annexation to the USSR in 1940.
