HISTORY OF MELANCHOLIA, or WAS PANIC FEAR BEFORE?

My main task was to understand what language melancholy speaks and how this speech changes depending on time and place.

"The tears of men are indelible," says Samuel Becket 1 . So it doesn't matter what you call them?

On the Internet I found the melancholy alphabet 2 . A list of words that together form a map of the various attributes of melancholy. Among them are such forms of melancholy as acadia and ennui, feelings of sorrow and disgust, themes of time and narcissism, flâneur and dandy types, cult characters- Søren Kierkegaard and Woody Allen.

But in order to define the language of melancholy, it is not enough to write out the words related to it. Traditionally, the history of melancholy is divided into five stages: Antiquity - a painful state, a cross between genius and madness; The Middle Ages are a moral anomaly; from the Renaissance to Romanticism - the same, but elevated to the rank of existential drama; then the same, subjected to the process of biologization, and after Freud - psychologization. Some features of melancholy were considered a special gift (clairvoyance and ecstasy), others were called sin and tried to be corrected (longing and indifference), madness required imprisonment in a clinic, and pessimism was tried to be muzzled.

If you look at the history of melancholy from the point of view of personal experience, the picture changes. From melancholy as the proto-form of mental suffering, at different times, many different types and types developed and budded, which flourished and again disappeared into oblivion. Many of them were called melancholy, others were called drowsiness, lethargy, nervousness, depression, fatigue, or something else. The set of symptoms was constantly changing, although the main repertoire - depression and vulnerability - as a rule, remained. For the rest, time decided when and what symptoms to admit, when they should leave the stage, when they should be given new status in new diagnoses. Each neurosis has its own style, determined by time, - argued Karl Jaspers 3 . Our own melancholy appears in forms that are less obvious than classical ones, but better adapted to life in society. In general, melancholia is known for its ability to find socially digestible forms that allow it to adequately express itself 4 .

So, what needs to be done to trace the development of melancholia?

First question: what is changing? It is clear that ideas about melancholy are changing. It is also obvious that the forms of expression of melancholy are changing. But does the content of melancholy change - that is, can culture influence feeling?

A feature of melancholia is a wide range of symptoms. Some believe that, historically speaking, melancholia is nothing more than an old name for depression. However, only symptoms that are typical today (depression, hopelessness) are considered, and atypical ones (anger, hunger) are excluded. Other researchers are trying to solve the problem by dividing melancholy into separate states and giving them modern names. But to assert that in those days it was not melancholy, but something else, that was called melancholy, once again confirms the fixation of each time on its models. When specialists say that Samuel Johnson's violent manifestations of melancholy are in fact Tourette's syndrome, they not only demonstrate arrogance towards the ancestors, but also jump to the conclusion that the effect is confused with the cause.

The most radical experts argue that past mental states cannot be assessed. After the destruction of the old world and the creation of a new one, it is impossible to translate the old concepts into the language of the new ones 5 . Language experience differs, criteria of norm and anomaly differ. Some symptoms simply disappear. Mark Mikail, for example, has shown how hysteria has been removed from many medical textbooks: after the regrouping, the symptoms seem to have "dissolved" 6 . The same thing happens with melancholia: the symptoms become irrelevant and lost. Conditions in which a person feels like a fragile glass or a hungry predator already belong to the distant - from a psychological point of view - the past. They are incomprehensible to us.

However, by saying: "We do not understand you, and we do not need your experience," we betray the memory of the melancholics of the past.

I tried to understand the specific manifestations of melancholy, considered the means by which a person expressed the loss of what has no name. I tried to show the continuity of various forms and at the same time their features. Some of the forms of melancholy are quite alien to us, such as the desperate melancholy of the wolf-man. Others seem quite recognizable, in particular the melancholy of burnout in different periods of time: in the 17th century with Caspar Barleus, in the 19th with Max Weber, or in the 21st with Lars Weiss. The melancholy nervousness of the 19th century and the state of stress in our day are also quite comparable.

With this approach, feelings cannot be seen as stable entities or vague constructs. Feelings arise freely and spontaneously in the subject, but are formed and controlled by social and cultural mechanisms. In other words, melancholy is experienced by the feeling subject, but dressed in the attire approved and supported by the time. The variability of melancholy provides it with inexhaustible possibilities. She chooses either active forms of expression, directed outward, like sensitivity and nervousness, or passive and turned inward, like melancholy, depression and fatigue.

Analysis shows that the language of feeling (both at the collective and individual levels) depends on larger structures of feeling. It is shaped by time, as well as norms and values, gender and class environment. These factors determine which feelings are socially significant, which are dangerous, which expressions of feelings are desirable, which should be encouraged and which should be rejected, which ways of expressing (or, conversely) hiding feelings in society have a high status.

According to Ian Hacking, the language of feelings, as well as images of diseases, affects people - once it has started to be used, it subsequently affects how a person perceives himself and how his environment perceives him (melancholic, neurotic, a person suffering from mental burnout and etc.) 7 . Many concepts are borrowed from the language of science: in the XVII and XVIII centuries- the theory of fluids and trembling nerves, now - mental exhaustion and low levels of serotonin.

How unfeigned are “learned” feelings? Is it possible to consider the language of sensitivity - male tears, hypersensitivity, nervousness - sincere, even though it was conditioned by culture and the state of society and was created in secular salons "for the needs" of the nobility? The answer is yes. Sensitivity existed in the consciousness of the subject and was lived by him as his own experience. Sensitivity (or nervousness or fatigue) cannot be reduced to abstract constructs other than direct perception.

To understand melancholy as an experience, it is necessary to divide it into smaller components (symptoms) - depression, grief, anger, fear, paralysis of actions, tears, etc. - which, in turn, can be grouped in various combinations. In rare cases, the symptoms are available to us in a systematic form, such as when listing the sins of acaedia (16 components, ranging from indifference to thoughts of suicide) or in the diagnoses of ancient medicine. Linnaeus, for example, names seven main signs that were typical of the ancient (black) form of melancholia: grief, horror, silence, lethargy, suspicion, mood swings and hunger 8 . Starting from the 19th century, these signs cease to appear, being replaced by new scientific categories.

Analysis of the material allows us to draw some conclusions of a general nature. First, in full accordance with the theory of civilization of Norbert Elias, the language of feelings is disciplined over time. In the New Age, feelings are expressed differently than before, and there is a transition from bottomless horror to controlled fear, from wild despair to depression, from hypochondriacal panic to vague pain, from an outburst of feelings to their suppression. Some symptoms, such as anger and hunger, are present in ancient melancholics, but are not found in modern ones (it is interesting that the theme of bulimia and anorexia is constantly present in the history of melancholia). On the contrary, in modern times, tears flow abundantly, in contrast to previous eras, when melancholy was characterized by dryness of the mucous membrane. In modern melancholy, fatigue plays a big role, which was not the case before.

However, the fact that the language of feelings has acquired more restrained forms of expression does not mean that it has become less intense.

For example, let us ask ourselves the question: did panic existential fear exist before? The psychiatrist Herman Berrios traced how mental symptoms changed over time and found that existential fear is a very ancient concept. Already Linnaeus used such designations as arrela8 or "heart anxiety". But it was only at the end of the 19th century that various similar conditions were combined into a clinical diagnosis.

Existential fear (angst) very clearly illustrates the merging of the feeling (emotional) and feeling (sensual) "I". It combines mental symptoms, such as horror, and physical symptoms - dizziness, palpitations and suffocation, which can act among themselves in various combinations. If the combinations are sufficiently stable, they are called syndromes. The latter, in turn, are divided into groups. If the symptoms are blurred, but constant - this is a generalized fear, if they appear periodically - panic fear, if they are activated in the presence of certain factors (elevators, spiders) - these are phobias 10 .

Panic is thus a modern phenomenon both as a name and as a diagnosis, but not as an experience. Back in the 17th century, this condition was considered a particularly destructive side of melancholy. Its manifestation was, for example, that immense horror that made Caspar Barleus hide from people in a panic, tremble, sweat and be silent when he was finally found. In the thick catalogs of psychopathological conditions of the 19th century, panic fear is considered in the section "melancholic panic attacks":

“Usually they come on suddenly; sometimes, even during rest or sleep ... a person wakes up in fear, the heart is pounding as if ready to jump out of the chest, feelings are in a state of chaos, and the person runs to the window, ready to throw himself out of it. He does not control himself, is in despair and does not understand what he is doing ... It is impossible to help him, it seems he has gone mad and may be about to go crazy, run out of the house, do something to himself or to someone from his neighbors . Then he will say that no one can understand the horror that gripped him. At the end of the attack, he trembles all over, sweats, and experiences terrible weakness.

The described condition is unlikely to occur frequently. However, at the end of the 19th century, panic fear suddenly turned into a cultural syndrome, a kind of modern claustrophobia. This happened in parallel with a broad discussion and the presentation of numerous documentary evidence of the strain on the human senses in a big city - a chaos of alien sounds, noise, vanity, crowd. (In 2008, Nathan Shahar 47 similarly describes his impressions of meeting Cairo: "Crush, poverty and heaps of impressions can easily lead to claustrophobia and bottomless pessimism.") The big city falls on the senses "with the force of a tropical thunderstorm" 12 .

In metropolises, existential fears were expressed in a special way. For example, they took the form of agoraphobia (fear of crowds), the “popularity” of which seems to have now reached its climax. At first, this condition was given a biological explanation, defining it as dizziness due to pathological changes in the inner ear. But it quickly became clear that in reality there were no dizzinesses, but there was a fear of them. First scientific descriptions(1876) stated: "feelings of fear and intense anxiety ... with full consciousness ... occur in open spaces ... it must be distinguished from dizziness ... Patients may be afraid not only of open spaces, but also public places- streets and theaters, public transport, ships and bridges” 13 .

At the turn of the century, experts happily seized on this previously little-known fear, using it as evidence of the special vulnerability of modern man. Agoraphobia has become the dominant form of fear in society. Dr. Lenmalm notes that in the 1890s, she met with every second of his patients. Here is a brilliant example of the power of cultural syndromes when they are in the spotlight: once agoraphobia was hailed as the emblem of modernity, it immediately spread among the cultural elite. Anyone who wanted to demonstrate their progressiveness was sure to declare that they had experienced agoraphobia or some other form of fears (it seems that today a thinking person must necessarily have some kind of harmless phobia). Perhaps that is why Strindberg spoke so vividly and vividly about the fear of the crowd, which he experienced at the Army Square in Paris?

Phobias are becoming fashionable and are considered a modern syndrome. Previously, they, along with other fears, were dissolved in the concept of nervousness. Now they have budded off and dressed up in pseudo-Greek clothes, and medicine has set itself the task of giving a name to each specific fear. The implementation of the project was already in full swing when the French scientist Théodule Ribot 48 urged his colleagues not to get carried away and proposed his own version of the classification, which distinguished between pantophobia (fear of everything), that is, generalized fear, and private phobias. The latter, in turn, were divided into those associated with fears (pain, injections, death) and those associated with disgust (to physical contact, blood, dirt) 14 .

Along with agoraphobia, patients often have social phobia. The condition has been described as a combination of fear, timidity, and shame in various social situations, sometimes combined with panic attacks. Its extreme version was the wolf melancholy of the 17th century: a person experienced such a strong fear of society that he fled from civilization. Today, only ES (environmental sensitivities) can compare with this state, which makes a person shut himself off from the outside world 15 .

A person suffering from phobias perceives the dangers of the surrounding world in an exaggerated form. Very interesting are the stories about specific people and their fears, which are initially a response to a change in reality, and then transform into personal experience. Psychiatrists distinguish neophobia (fear of the new), xenomania (morbid addiction to everything alien), neophilia (exaggerated love for the new). More exotic are claustrophilia (an obsessive desire to lock windows and doors) and clinomania (a painful need to stay in bed). The medical terminology of the 20th century is extremely diverse and gives a fairly complete picture of the fears that existed at that time. It turns out that in an enlightened and hygienic society of general well-being, there were many deviations associated with darkness and dirt, such as nyctophobia (fear of the night), mysophobia (fear of pollution) and its opposite, misophilia (morbid addiction to dirt) 16 . The topic of dirt (literally and figuratively) takes a very important place in the history of melancholy. Consider, in particular, Samuel Johnson, James Boswell and the later generation of dandies.

In this way it is possible to trace the history of various phobias, establish the time of their occurrence, register ups and downs. Comparing today's phobias with those of the last century, we see that the development of new technology gives rise to new fears, such as aerophobia (fear of flying in an airplane). Other fears, such as emetophobia (fear of vomiting), may be due to the desire inherent in our time to control our body as much as possible. In earlier periods of melancholy, vomiting was treated differently, considering it a cleansing and liberation. The phobia that our contemporaries consider archetypal - the fear of spiders (arachnophobia) - apparently appeared only at the beginning of the 20th century.

Phobias, like other forms of fear, reflect their time and will probably change again in the future. It is possible that agoraphobia, claustrophobia and fear of heights, based on the modern perception of space with the help of vision, will give way to new fears due to new physical conditions, new technologies and features of the virtual space.

The introduction of a social component greatly complicates the picture. Traditionally, feelings were considered a subjective phenomenon, limited by the scope of an individual. When viewed in this way, they cannot say anything about the world around them and characterize only the personality itself. However, such a reduction of the concept seems to be incorrect - feelings are both subjective and social, since they reflect the processes taking place between people. In fact, each social sphere needs its own structure of feelings for normal functioning 17 .

"Those who want to isolate the structures of feelings in order to understand their role in society will face a serious problem - they are invisible," writes Raymond Williams 49 . This is their strength. They do not require definitions, classifications and scientific justification, they gradually influence a person and determine his social behavior. Feeling structures work imperceptibly through sensations, intuition and bodily experience. Behind an invisible mask, a revolution may imperceptibly mature. The cultural historian Lynn Hunt, in particular, has shown how the whining sensibilities of the 18th century spurred the growth of humanist reform movements.

What structures of feelings chooses this or that time depends on a variety of cultural aspects. Optimistic and rational times are more likely to maintain control over the senses; during crises, depression rises to the level of a cultural syndrome. Such personality types as a melancholic, vulnerable, nervous or overworked person are established in different eras as a kind of social indicators. Gender and social belonging of people also play a significant role. Most of the status forms of melancholy were considered the privilege of men belonging to the upper class. Both sensitivity and nervousness have long been associated with the social elite and spread to the working class only when the cause of these conditions began to be sought in the psyche, and not in the nerves of a person (in a secularized society, what is connected with the soul does not have a high status). Thus, the melancholy worker or the nervous woman from the working environment has only recently appeared. Democratization undermined the prestige of melancholy. When the melancholic fell into depression, he lost his exclusivity.

At the same time, these types illustrate the process of personality formation. Simplistically, we can highlight some of the clichés that exist in society: creative person vulnerable (sensitive, nervous), an intellectual critical of society is melancholy, and one who is enthusiastically engaged in mental work is subject to mental burnout.

In reality, these types are conditional and constantly intertwined with each other. The main thing for me was to show how the language of feelings and their content resonate with the cultural context of their time 19 . Each era in its own way defines the boundaries of what is acceptable and prioritizes the form of expression of feelings. Symptoms are rejected or confirmed, gain or lose status. Old forms of experiences disappear, new ones are born. Today there is even a diagnosis of “feeling of unhappiness” 20 . The only important thing is that suffering always reflects a specific period of time.

The social and cultural history of feelings must be constantly kept in mind in a society troubled by thoughts.

about your (un)well-being. In the XVIII and XIX centuries there were certain rules about who, how and where can express their emotions. Today we are trying to get away from the ceremonial expression of feelings, standing up for the sincerity of a person. But it is possible that this sincerity is illusory. In A Man Without Qualities, Robert Musil warned that feelings are about to separate from a person and fall into the hands of scientists, writers and amateur doctors. “Who else can say today that his anger is really his anger, if so many people slander him and they understand more than he?” 21

As you can see, if a melancholic is asked to define his own state, he should hardly call it depression.

NOTES

Introduction

1. Melancolie: Genie et folie en Occident Paris, Grand Palais 13.10.2005-16.01.2006; Melancholie: Genie und Wahnsinn in der Kunst, Neue National-galerie, Berlin 17.02-07.05.2006. Utstallningskatalog Jean Clair, red.; av. Helene Prigent. Melancolie: Les metamorphoses de la depression. Paris, 2005. www.depressionslinjen.com(pharmaceutical company Pfizer).

2. Malmberg C.-J. Melankolin halier oss annu i sitt gra // Svenska Dag-bladet. 01/21/2007.

3. Aiken C. Collected poems. N.Y., 1953. P. 147.

4. Williams R. Marxism and literature. Oxford, 1977. Pp. 110.132. Historian Barbara G. Rosenwein proposed a similar concept of "emotional communities", see: Rosenwein V.N. Worrying about emotions in history // The American historical review. 107:3. 2002. P. 10.

5. Details about historical periods in which many changes take place in a relatively short time, see Chandler J. England in 1819: The politics of literary culture and the case of romantic historicism. Chicago, 1998. Pp. 67-74.

6. Pfau Th. Romantic moods: Paranoia, trauma, and melancholy, 1790-1840. Baltimore, 2005.

7. Stolberg M. Homo patiens: Krankheits- und Korpererfahrung in der friihen Neuzeit. Koln, 2003. P. 219. For cross-cultural differences, see Kleinman A., Good B., eds. Culture and depression: Studies in the anthropology and cross-cultural psychiatry of affect and disorder. Berkeley, 1985.

8 Laqueur Th. Bodies, details, and the humanitarian narrative // ​​Lynn Hunt, ed. The new cultural history. Berkeley, 1989.

9. Johannisson K. Tecknen: lakaren och konsten att lasa kroppar. Stockholm, 2004. Pp. 183-208.

10. Hemphill C.D. Class, gender, and the regulation of emotional expression in revolutionary-era conduct literature // Peter N. Stearns and Jan Lewis. An emotional history of the United States. N.Y., 1998. For comparison, see Gay P. The bourgeois experience: Victoria to Freud, I-IV. N.Y., 1984-1995.

11. Vincent-Buffault A. The History of Tears: Sensibility and Sentimentality in France. Macmillan, 1991.

13. Reddy W.M. The navigation of feeling: A framework for the history of emotions. Cambridge, 2001.

15. For historical research on feelings, see: Worrying about emotions in history; cf. See also: Peter N. Stearns och Carol Stearns. See also: Gail Kern Paster m.fl. ed., Reading the early modern passions: Essays in the cultural history of emotion. Philadelphia, 2004; Berlant L., ed. Compassion: The culture and politics of an emotion. N.Y., 2004. Robinson J. Deeper than reason: emotion and its role in literature, music, and art. Oxford, 2005. From an intercultural perspective: Harkins J., Wierzbicka A., eds. Emotions in a crosslinguistic perspective. Berlin, 2001; for the study of an interdisciplinary approach: Lewis M., Haviland J.M., eds. Handbook of emotions. N.Y., 1993. See also: Ahmed S. The cultural politics of emotion. Edinburgh, 2004.

16. Taylor Ch. Sources of the Self: The Making of Modern Identity. Harvard University Press, 1989.

17. Elias N. Uber den Prozefi der Zivilisation. 1939. (Russian ed.: Elias H.

On the process of civilization: Sociogenetic and psychogenetic studies. M.; SPb., 2001. (Note translated.))

18. Howes D., ed. Empire of the senses: The sensual culture reader. Oxford, 2005; dens., Sensual relations: Engaging the senses in culture and social theory. Arbor A. 2003; Jutte R. A history of the senses: From antiquity to cyberspace. Cambridge, 2005. See also journal: The senses and society. 2006 - present

19. Levin, D.M., ed. Pathologies of the modern self: Postmodern studies on Narcissism, schizophrenia, and depression. N.Y., 1987. P. 2. My understanding of the boundary between psychosis and neurosis differs from that which is accepted in psychiatry.

20. This also includes a feeling of nostalgia, see: Johannisson K. Nostalgia: En kanslas historia. Stockholm, 2001.

21. Shakespeare W. As You Like It (act IV, scene 1). Per. T. Shchepkina-Kupernik.

melancholy: loss

1. Jackson S.W. Melancholia and depression: From Hippocratic times to modern times. New Haven, 1986. Pp. 345-351.

2. For example: Blok F.F. Caspar Barlaeus: From the correspondence of a melancholic. Amsterdam, 1976. Pp. 105-121; Speak G. An odd kind of melancholy: Reflections on the glass delusion in Europe (1440-1680) // History of psychiatry 1:2. 1990. Pp. 191-206.

3. Speak. An odd kind of melancholy. P. 204 and to which 218 psychiatrists responded, there is no indication of such a case. See, however, below about Margit Abenius.

4. Rasmussen K.A. Den kreativa lognen: Tolv kapitel om Glenn Gould. Goteborg, 2005. Kar. 3-4.

5. I am based on the theses and concepts of phenomenology as expounded by Maurice Merleau-Ponty, see: Merleau-Ponty M. Phenomenologie de la perception. Paris, 1945.

6. Styron W. Darkness Visible: A Memoir of Madness. Vintage Books, 1990.

7. Pamuk O. istanbul: Hatiralar ve §ehir. Istanbul, 2003. (Russian ed.: Pamuk

O. Istanbul. City of memories. M., 2006. (Note translated.)) About the melancholy of the area: Jornmark J. Overgivna platser. Lund, 2007.

8. Freud Z. Trauer und Melancholie. 1916. (Russian ed.: Freud 3. Sadness and melancholy // Psychology of emotions. Texts. M., 1984. (Approx. translation))

9. Aretaeus. De causis et signis... morborum, op. no: Berrios G., Porter R., eds. A history of clinical psychiatry: The origin and history of psychiatric disorders. London, 1995. Pp. 409-410.

10. See reviews of the history of melancholy: Klibansky R., Panofsky E., Saxl F. Saturn and Melancholy. Nendeln, 1979; Jackson. melancholia and depression. Radden, J., ed. The nature of melancholy: From Aristotle to Kristeva, Oxford, 2000. See also Wolfgang E.J. Weber, ed. Melancholie: Epochenstimmung, Krankheit, Lebenskunst. Stuttgart, 2000; Walther L., ed. melancholie. Leipzig, 1999; Clair J., ed. Melancholie: Genie und Wahnsinn in der Kunst (exhibition catalog). Berlin, 2006; The cultural politics of emotion. Edinburgh, 2004. Swedish authors: Birnbaum D., Olsson A. Den andra fodan: En essa om melankoli och kannibalism. Stockholm, 1992; Hammer E. Melankoli: En filosofisk essa. 2004; Goteborg, 2006.

11 Foucault M. Histoire de la folie a lage classique. Folie et deraison. Paris, 1972; cf. Radden J. Melancholy and melancholia 11 David M. Levin, ed. Pathologies of the modern self: Postmodern studies on narcissism, schizophrenia, and depression. N.Y., 1987.

12. Problemata XXX: 1, pseudo-Aristotelian essay, cf. Bale K. “Out of my weakness and my melancholy”: Melankoli som litteraer kon-figurasjon. Oslo, 1996.

13. Burton R. The anatomy of melancholy (1621), I-III. (Russian ed.: Burton P. Anatomy of melancholia. M .: Progress-Tradition, 2005. (Approx. trans.)); see: Babb L. Sanity in Bedlam: A study of Robert Burtons Anatomy of melancholy. East Lansing, 1959; Dahlqvist T. Den muntre melankolikern // Axess. 2007. P. 8.

14. Burton, III, 280.

15. See, for example: Willis Th., Cheyne G., Tissot S.-A.

16. Robert J. Dictionnaire universel de medicine. 1746-1748. t. IV, article "Melancolie". P. 1214. Op. Quoted from: Foucault M. History of madness in the classical era. SPb., 1997. S. 273.

17.Jackson. melancholia and depression. pp. 345-351; Clair J. Aut dues aut daemon: Die Melancholie und die Werwolfskrankhei // Melancholie. pp. 118-125.

18. Odstedt E. Varulven i svensk folk tradition. Uppsala, 1943; Summers M. The werewolf. London, 1933.

19. "Wolf Boy" Victor was found in a forest in southern France in 1799, according to experts, he was 12 years old; about Kamala, see p. 73.

20. Linne C. von. Genera morborum. 1763.

21. See: Laqueur Th. Making sex: Body and gender from the Greeks to Freud. Cambridge: Mass, 1990.

22. Schreber D.P. Denkwtirdigkeiten eines Nervenkranken. 1903; Frankfurt/M., 1985, English. trans.: N.Y., 2000.

23. Gilman S.L. disease and representation. Ithaca, 1988. Pp. 10-13.

24. Oijer B.K. Intervju Dagens nyheter. 09/20/2008; cf. related topic: Porter R. Mood disorders: Social section // A history of clinical psychiatry: The origin and history of psychiatric disorders. London, 1995. P. 419.

25. All information about Barleus is given from the edition of the letters: Blok brevutgava. Caspar Barlaeus: From the correspondence of a melancholic.

26. See chapter “Insomnia: Horror”, p. 156-179.

27. Compare: Paster G.K. et al., eds. Reading the early modern passions: Essays in the cultural history of emotion. Philadelphia, 2004. P. 16; the main reasoning of M. Foucault: Foucault M. LArcheologie du savoir. Paris, 1969 Tzh. Hammer. Melankoli. P. 39.

28. Cf.: Hacking I. The looping effects of human kind // Dan Sperber et al., Causal cognition: A multidisciplinary debate. Oxford, 1995. Pp. 351-383.

29. Op. no: Paster K. Reading the early modern passions. 16, not 66.

30. Cf.: Babb L. The cave of spleen // The review of English studies. 12:46. 1936. Pp. 169-170.

31. Linne C. Von. Systema morborum (unpublished); cit. no: Hallengren A. Skogstokig // Axess. 2007. Pp. 9, 16-19. Linnaeus also mentions the case of Barleus.

32.Jackson. melancholia and depression. pp. 113, 120; Gidal E. Civic melancholy // Eighteenth century studies. 37:1. 2003.

33. Butler S. A melancholy man 11 Characters. 1659, op. no: Radden. The nature of melancholy. P. 158.

34 Walter. melancholie. R 57.

35. Johannisson K. Kroppens teater: Hypokondri // Kroppens tuna skal. Stockholm, 1997. Pp. 129-130.

36. Hallengren. Skogstokig. P. 19.

37. Radden. Melancholy and Melancholia. pp. 233, 244.

38. Porter R. “The hunger of imagination”: Approaching Samuel Johnsons melancholy // W.E Bynum, Roy Porter and Michael Shepherd, eds. The anatomy of madness: Essays in the history of psychiatry. I. London, 1985; Wiltshire J. Johnsons medical history: Facts and mysteries // Samuel Johnson in the medical world. Cambridge, 1991. Quoted from S. Johnson: Savage: Biografi over en mordare och poet i 1700-talets England. 1744; Stockholm, 2004, overs. Leif Jager, 121.

39. Klibansky, Panofsky, Saxl. Saturn and melancholy. P. 230; cf.: Birnbaum, Olsson. Den andra fodan. P. 52.

41. Wolf Lepenies. Melancholie und Gesellschaft. 1969; Frankfurt/M., 1998. P. 215.

42. These "night" diagnoses existed in the 20th century, see: Wernst-edt W. Medicinsk terminologi. Stockholm, 1944.

43. Tegner E. brev till C.F. af Wingerd 12/30/1837 // Esaias Tegners brev, red. Nils Palmborg. VIII. Lund, 1963. P. 186.

44. For Tegner's melancholy, see: Gadelius B. Skapande fantasi och sjuka skalder: Tegner och Froding. Stockholm, 1927; Fehrman C. Esaias Tegner infor psykiatrin // Ulla Tornqvist, red., Moten med Tegner. Lund, 1996; Svensson C. Esaias Tegner: Melankolin i hans brev och diktning // Arne Jonsson och Anders Piltz, red., Sprakets speglingar. Lund, 2000. Pp. 451-457; Sjostrand L. Ett snilles vansinne // Svensk medicinhistorisk tidskrift. 10:1. 2006. Pp. 47-73.

45. 01/22/1826, op. no: Svensson. P. 454. That the concept of hypochondria was synonymous with melancholy is evident from the German translations of the word Mjaltsjukan (despondency) by the words Milzsucht (despondency), Melancholie

(melancholy) and Hypokondrie (hypochondria). For more on hypochondria see: Johannisson K. Kroppens teater: Hypokondri // Kroppens tunna skal. Stockholm, 1997.

46. ​​Compare: Birnbaum, Olsson. Den andra fodan; Olsson A. Ekelunds hunger. Stockholm, 1995.

47 Burton. The anatomy of melancholy. I.Pp. 216-233.

48 Sauvages F.B. de. Nosologic methodica. Paris, 1768.

49. Shapin S. The philosopher and the chicken: On the dietetics of disembodied knowledge // Christopher Lawrence and Steven Shapin, eds. Science incarnate: Historical embodiments of natural knowledge. Chicago, 1998. Pp. 21-50.

50. Carus G.G. Atlas der Cranioscopie. 1845.

51. Skarderud F. Sultekunstnerne: Kultur, krop og kontroll. Oslo, 1991. Pp. 185-194.

52. Ekerwald C.-G. Nietzsche: Liv och tankesatt. Stockholm, 1993. P. 134.

53. Skarderud (Kafka); Shapin (Wittgenstein); Schnurbein S. Von. Krisen der Mannlichkeit. Gottingen, 2001. Pp. 212-227 (Rilke); Olsson (Ekelund); Lee H. Virginia Woolf. London, 1996. Kar. 10 (Wolf).

54. Robert M. Franz Kafka's loneliness. London, 1982. P. 95-96; Neumann G. Hungerktinstler und Menschenfresser // Archiv fur Kulturges-chichte, Bd 66:2. 1984. Skarderud, Sultekunstnerne. pp. 223-231.

55. Kafka F. Letters to Felicia. SPb., 2009. (Note translated)

56. Ibid.

58. Em Hungerktinstler; cf. related topic: Ellman M. The hunger artists: Starving, writing, and imprisonment. Cambridge: Mass, 1993.

60. Esquirol E. Des maladies mentales. I-II. Bruxelles, 1838. Pp. 218-

61. Griesinger W. Die Pathologie und Therapie der psychischen Krank-heiten. 1845; tzh. Krafft-Ebing R. von. Die Melancholie: Eine klinische Studie. 1874. Compare: Schmidt-Degenhard M. Melancholie in der Psychiatrie

des 19. Jahrhunderts // Melancholie in Literatur und Kunst. Hiirtgenwald, 1990.

62. Prince M. The dissociation of a personality: A biographical study in abnormal psychology. N.Y., 1925. Cf.: Hacking I. Rewriting the soul: Multiple personality and the sciences of memory. Princeton, 1995.

63. Schreber. Denkwiirdigkeiten eines Nervenkranken.

64. Ferguson H. Melancholy and the critique of modernity: Soren Kierkegaard’s religious psychology. London, 1995.

66. See texts: Sennett R., Bauman Z., Giddens A., Ehrenberg A., Botton A. de, Alvesson M., Eriksen T.N. See also the chapter "Anomie: Confusion": p. 249-262.

67. Green A. Den doda modern // Irene Matthis, red. Grans och rorelse: Teman i fransk psykoanalys. Stockholm, 1986; cf.: Skarderud F. Oro: En resa

i det moderna sjalvet. 1998; Stockholm. 1999. Pp. 71-77.

68. Dagens nyheter. May 30, 2007.

69. Clair J. Melancholie. P. 123.

70. Middlebrook D. Her husband: Hughes and Plath - A marriage. N.Y., 2003. P. 5.

71. Emil Kraepelin introduces the concept of manic-depressive psychosis at the end of the 19th century, cf. on the clinical significance of this concept: Svenaeus F. Tabletter for kansliga sjalar: den antidepressiva revolutionen. Nora, 2008. Pp. 13-14.

72. The concept of "depression" was used by Emil Kraepelin and other clinical psychiatrists at the turn of the century. He attributes "pure" depression to three components: grief, mental disturbances, and motor disturbances. A lot of literature is devoted to various psychoanalytic and psychobiological interpretations of depression. For a history of depression, see Blazer D.G. The age of melancholy: “Major depression” and its social origins. N.Y., 2005; Callahan Ch.M., Berrios G.E. Reinventing depression: A history of the treatment of depression in primary care, 1940-2004. Oxford, 2005; for clinical definitions, see: Hammen C. Depression. Hove, 1997.

73. Jennifer Redden insists that there is another concept of melancholia that has a clinical connotation, see: Melancholy and Melancholia. P. 233.

74. For example, in the book Nordisk familjebok the concept is defined in terms of astronomy, physics, geography, national economy, ophthalmology, but not medicine. Styron. Ett synligt morker. P. 46.

75. This applies to most of those who participated in the so-called "antidepressant revolution", see eg Kramer P. Lyssna till Prozac. Stockholm, 1996; Kramer P. Aldrig depression. Stockholm, 2006, overs. Per Rundgren. Kar. “Melankolins dod” Compare: Healy D. The antidepressant era. Cambridge: Mass, 1997; Svenaeus E Tabletter for kansliga sjalar: Den anti-depressiva revolutionen. Nora, 2008.

76. "Letters to a young poet" (1903-1908), letter 8. www.stihi. gi/2006/02/11-437.

77. Styron. Ett synligt morker; Solomon A. Depressionens demon-er. Stockholm, 2002; cf.: Ganetz H. Hennes roster: Rocktexter av Turid Lundqvist, Eva Dahlgren och Kajsa Grytt. Eslov, 1997, about melancholy and female rock poets.

78. Maudsley H. The pathology of mind: A study of its distempers, de-formities and disorders. 1879; London, 1979. Pp. 170-171.

79. Radden. melancholy and melancholia; analysis of editions I-IV av DSM (Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders), 1952-1994.

80. Healey D. The antidepressant era. Cambridge: Mass, 1997. Healy argues that the diagnosis expanded as anti-depressive drugs were discovered, also: Carlberg I. Pillret. Stockholm, 2008; Svenaeus. Tabletter for kansliga sjalar.

81. Natten sjunger sina sanger (1997) // Jon Fosse, Skadespel. Stockholm, 2003. Cf. Zern L. Det lysande morkret: Jon Fosses dramatik. Stockholm, 2006.

82. Schiesari J. The gendering of melancholia: Feminism, psychoanalysis, and the symbolics of loss in Renaissance literature. Ithaca, 1992, p. 95; cf. Showalter E. The female malady: Women, madness and English culture, 1830-1980. London, 1987.

83 SAOB. Melankoli.

84. Nordstrom K. Melankolin som manligt privilegium. Master's thesis, Uppsala university, vt. 2008.

85. Mark S. Micale. Approaching hysteria: Disease and its interpretations. Princeton, 1995. P. 260; Edgar J. Forster. Unmannliche Mannlichkeit: Melancholie. Geschlecht. Verausgabung. Vienna, 1989.

86. Rus. ed.: Fridan B. The mystery of femininity. M., 1993. (Note trans.)

87. Op. Quoted from: Johannisson K. Den morka kontinenten: Kvinnan, medicinen och fin-de-siecle. 1994; Stockholm, 2004. P. 235.

88. Lee. Virginia Wolf. P. 187.

89. Abenius M. Memoarer fran det inre. Stockholm, 1963. P. 55; cf.: Ronne M. Sa skarper den ena manniskan den andra // Eva Heggestad, Karin Johannisson och Kerstin Rydbeck, red., En ny sits: Humaniora i forvandling. Uppsala, 2008. Pp. 241-248.

90. Plath S. Dagbocker och anteckningar 1950-1962. 2000; Stockholm, 2003, overs. Alsberg R. Pp. 190-191 (03.11.1952).

91. Kristeva J. Black sun: Depression and melancholia. 1989. P. 29. Criticism by Y. Kristeva, see: Jennifer Redden. The nature of melancholy. P. 336. Cf. See also criticism: Butler J. Bodies that matter. N.Y., 1993. For women and depression, see Russell D. Women, madness & medicine. Cambridge, 1995; Jack D.C. Silencing the self: Women and depression. Cambridge, 1991.

92. Singh J., Zingg R.M. Wolf children and feral man. N.Y., 1942.

Acadia: despondency

1. Lagerborg R. Acedia // Invita Minerva: Studier i oholjt. Helsingfors, 1918. Pp. 83-101, cit. 88.

2. About acaedia: Wenzel S. The sin of sloth. Chapel Hill, 1967; Jackson S.W. Melancholia and depression: From Hippocratic times to modern times. New Haven, 1986. Pp. 65-77; Kuhn R. The demon of noontide: Ennui in Western literature. Princeton, 1976. Pp. 39-64; Agamben G. The Noonday demon // Stanzas: Word and Phantasm in Western culture. Quotations from Cassian are taken from the books of Kuhn and Agamben. The term "noon demon" is sometimes used to refer to depression, for example. see the title of Depressionens demoner (2002) by Andrew Solomon, a book on depression.

3. Evagrius. A word about spiritual work or a Monk // Creations of Abba Evagrius. Ascetic and theological treatises. M., 1994. S. 96-112. krotov.info/acts/04/onomastik/evagriy.html. (Approx. transl.)

4. The Monk John Cassian's message to Castor, Bishop of Apt, on the rules of cenobitic monasteries // John Cassian the Roman. Scriptures. M., 2000. P. 146. krotov.info/acts/05/marsel/kassl45. html. (Approx. transl.)

5 Bloomfield M.W. The seven deadly sins: An introduction to the history of a religious concept. East Lansing, 1952.

6. Peraldus. Summa de vitiis et virtutibus. 1587, op. no: Wenzel.

7. Heron W. The pathology of boredom // Scientific American 196. 1957. Pp. 52-56.

8. Burton R. The anatomy of melancholy. 1621.I:2:XV. Holbrook Jackson, ed. N.Y., 2001. Pp. 300-330. Compare: Johannisson K. Kroppens teater: Hypokondri // Kroppens tunna skal. Stockholm, 1997.

9. Linne C. von. Hantverkarnas sjukdomar. i Valda avhandlingar av Carl von Linne. 20. 1765; Ekenas, 1955, p. 6; Tissot S.-A. Red till de larde. Upsala, 1821; Reveille-Paris J.H. Physiologie et hygiene des hommes livres aux travaux de lesprit, en rad 1800-talsupplagor; Ramazzini B. Om arbetares sjukdomar. 1713 Stockholm. 1991. Pp. 176-187.

10. Lagerborg. Acedia, cit. 87-88; dens., I egna ogon - och andras: En bok om att kanna sig sjalv. Stockholm, 1942.

11. Granit R. Ung mans vag till Minerva. Stockholm, 1941. Pp. 84-95.

12. Granit R. Att overvinna acedia // Hur det kom sig: Forskarminnen och motiveringar. Stockholm, 1983.

13. Sjostrand W. Den akademiska acedian; i Neuros och pedagogisk prognos. Uppsala, 1949. Pp. 34-41.

14. Nationaltidende. 09/04/1946.

15. Zetterberg H. Scientific acedia // Sociological focus. 1967 No. eleven). pp. 34-44.

16 Feynman R.P. The dignified professor 11 Surely you're joking, Mr. Feynman! Adventures of a curious character. N.Y., 1985. Cited. by: Feynman P. Of course you are joking, Mr. Feynman! M., 2008. (Note trans.)

17. Op. by: Granit. Acedia. pp. 86-87.

18. Pickering G. Creative malady. London, 1974. P. 92.

19. Keller E.F. A feeling for the organism: The life and work of Barbara McClintock. N.Y., 1983.

20. Overwork has recently regained its original value of indifference to mental development as an explanation for the high rates of mental burnout among church leaders. See: Quast K. I don’t care anymore // Christian Week. 2003 No. 17. P. 11.

21. Cf.: Sayers Dorothy L. Creed or chaos? and other essays in popular theology. London, 1954. Pp. 84-85.

Sensitivity: Vulnerability

1. Quotes from Rousseau's novel are given according to the editor: Rousseau J.-J. Julia, or New Eloise. M., 1968. Per. Nemchinova N., Khudadova A.

2. Oxenstierna J.G. Dagboks-anteckningar. Aren 1769-1771, red. Gustaf Stjernström. Upsala, 1881. P. 53.

3. Quoted. no: Mullan J. Feelings and novels // Roy Porter, ed. Rewriting the self: Histories from the Renaissance to the present. London, 1997. Pp. 119-120.

5. Per. YES. Gorbov and M.Ya. Rozanova, lib.rus.ec/b/148346/read. S. 210.

6. Mullan J. Sentiment and sociability: The language of feeling in the eighteenth century. Oxford, 1988. P. 201. For medical texts see: Cheyne G., Whytt R., Cullen W. & Tissot S.-A.; cf.: Stolberg M. Homo patiens: Krank-heits- und Korpererfahrung in der friihen Neuzeit. Koln, 2003. For examples of doctor-patient relationships, see: Johannisson K. Tecknen: Lakaren och konsten att lasa kroppar. Stockholm, 2004. Pp. 39-43.

7. Literature on sensitivity in the 18th century. very extensive. See: Rousseau G.S. Nervous Acts: Essays on literature, culture and sensibility. Hound-mills, 2004; dens., A strange pathology.; i Gilman S.L. et al., eds. Hysteria beyond Freud. Berkeley, 1993; Mulan. sentiment and sociability; Sant A.J. van. Eighteenth-century sensibility and the novel: The senses in social context. Cambridge, 1993; Villa A.C. Enlightenment and pathology: Sensibility in the literature and medicine of eighteenth-century France. Baltimore, 1998; Lawrence Ch. The nervous system and society in the Scottish enlightenment; in: Barnes B., Shapin S., eds. Natural order: Historical studies of scientific culture. London, 1979; Ellis M. The politics of sensibility: Race, gender and commerce in the sentimental novel. Cambridge, 1996; Barker-Benfield G.J. The culture of sensibility: Sex and society in eighteenth-century Britain. Chicago, 1992; Burke R, Porter R., eds. Language, self and society. A social history of language. Cambridge, 1991.

8. For the biological and cultural history of the nervous system, see: Rousseau G.S. Nervous acts.

9. Foucault M. The history of madness in the classical era. SPb., 1997. S. 293, 295. (Note translated)

10. Rousseau J.-J. Confession.

11. Oxenstierna. Dagboks-anteckningar. pp. 74-75.

12. Ibid. P. 159.

13. Laqueur S.Th. Solitary sex: A cultural history of masturbation. N.Y., 2003.

14. Sant V. Eighteenth-century sensibility. P. 109; about Werther, see below in the chapter "Spleen: Boredom", p. 127-155.

15. Stolberg M. Homo patiens. P. 236.