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What are informals called? Who are the informals

What are informals called? Who are the informals

20.02.2019

MINISTRY OF EDUCATION AND SCIENCE OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION

FEDERAL GOU SPO

On the topic: "Informals"

Discipline: "Social psychology"

Completed: st.gr. 23PV

Khudoyan Roza Amarovna

Checked:

Belogorsk

I. Main part.

one). The concept of "informals". "Informals" - who are they?

The concept of "informals", "informals" - who are they? The answers to these questions are ambiguous, just as informal associations themselves are ambiguous and heterogeneous. Moreover, stormy political life forces to change amateur formations, and these changes often concern not only the forms and methods of their activity, but also the proclaimed goals. FORMAL is usually called social group, which has a legal status, which is part of social institution, organizations where the position of individual members is strictly regulated official rules and laws. But informal organizations and associations have none of this.

INFORMAL ASSOCIATIONS are a mass phenomenon. For the sake of what interests do people and children, teenagers and youth, adults and even gray-haired old people not unite? The number of such associations is measured in tens of thousands, and the number of their members is measured in millions. Depending on what interests of people are the basis of the association, various types of associations arise. AT recent times in major cities countries, looking for opportunities to meet their needs, and not always finding them within existing organizations, young people began to unite in the so-called "informal" groupings, which would be more correctly called "amateur amateur youth associations." Their attitude is ambiguous. Depending on their orientation, they can be both an addition to organized groups and their antipodes. Members of amateur associations are fighting for the preservation environment from pollution and destruction, save cultural monuments, help to restore them free of charge, take care of the disabled and the elderly, fight corruption in their own way. Spontaneously emerging youth groups are sometimes called informal, sometimes amateur, sometimes amateur. From my point of view, the term "amateur movement" seems to be the most adequate. And here's why: firstly, they are all formed on the principle of voluntariness and are organizationally independent; secondly, for the most part they are engaged in some particular type of activity, counting on a real return. That is why the term "informals" originally used is not entirely accurate and can only be used in relation to such groups and associations as "Hippies", "Punks", "Metalists" and other other groups. They are characterized, most often, by a spontaneous, unorganized, unstable character.

"Amateurs" are traditionally called people who have devoted themselves to creativity in a non-professional form, whether stage or art, collecting, invention, social activity. Therefore, the term "amateur organizations" in relation to such associations seems to be more optimal and can be attributed to all types and areas of youth activity. Speaking about amateur associations and their mutual connection with state and public institutions, it is necessary to note three situations according to their significance:

1. Cooperation.

2. Opposition and criticism.

3. Opposition and struggle.

All these three functions are organically interconnected and cannot be artificially abolished.

Thus, I think we have already sorted out the question a bit: "Who are "NONFORMAL"? Although this is a rather short explanation this concept, yet I think the gist is more or less clear. It can be said with an even shorter definition, which I will try to formulate myself: "NEFORMAL" is a group of people that arose on someone's initiative or spontaneously to achieve some goal by people with common interests and needs.

Maybe my definition is not quite complete and accurate. I just tried to be brief.

BUT). external culture.

External cultures have existed and exist in different societies. Early Christians were externals in the Roman Empire. In medieval Europe, these are numerous heresies. There is a split in Russia.

External cultures accumulate certain norms and symbols. If the main culture is those norms and symbols that set the basic principle of ordering a given society, then everything that remains outside the main myth - the self-description of society - flocks to the external ones.

There is a balance between the two subsystems of society: a counterculture is unthinkable and does not exist without an official society. They are complementary and connected. This is one whole. The term "external" (from the Latin "externus" - alien) can be proposed for this kind of dropped out cultures. Communities like "Systems" are indeed alienated from society, although they are inseparable from it. The sphere of external culture includes, in fact, many different subcultures: for example, criminal, bohemian, drug mafia, etc. They are external to the extent that their internal values are opposed to the so-called "generally accepted". They are united by the fact that they are all local communication systems located outside the framework of the main network (the one that determines the state structure).

If we imagine society as a whole as a hierarchy of interrelated positions (statuses), then the "System" will be between positions, that is, outside of society. Not by chance public opinion and scientific tradition, it belongs to the sphere of the underground (from the English "undeground" - underground), counter-culture, or in the domestic lexicon the word "informals" was also popular. All these definitions point to externality, which is characterized by the prefixes "counter-", "under-", "non-". It is clear that we are talking about something opposing ("counter-"), not visible and secretive (under-), unformed. This localization outside the structures of society is quite consistent with the actual "Systemic" worldview.

It is necessary to give a description of the "System", at least the most general, so that one can imagine what in question. But doing so turns out to be difficult. There seems to be no familiar features of the community here. Sistema itself categorically rejects attempts to reduce it to any social scheme. A typical example of her self-determination is an excerpt from an article by A. Madison, a very old (Old) hippie from Talin:

"The movement, and it would be incomparably more correct to call it a shift, did not put up any cumbersome leaders dressed in bulletproof charisma, did not give rise to organizations that declared a holy war on everyone and, of course, especially each other for the right to oversee imperishable relics orthodoxy, finally did not bring any special hippie philosophy, ideology or religion under this non-existent orthodoxy. Instead of ideology, ideals were grounded from the very beginning, which are formed quite simply - peace and love.

Indeed, "System" cannot be defined either as an organization or a party, or as a community or a political (ideological, religious) movement. And how to define it?

Out of society.

There is a way of defining a community in terms of its place in the social structure. As for the System, it typical representative is in between positions social structure. Let's say one "old people" from Pskov says this about himself:

"About work: I worked at many enterprises, but I understood that this was not mine ... There is one job that I want to get, it is mine.

This is archeology. I could even work there for free.

It is characteristic that, on the one hand, he is a worker at a factory (this is the place that society assigned him), but he does not identify himself with this status: "This is not mine." On the other hand, he considers archeology "his" business, but such self-determination is not sanctioned by society. Accordingly, this "People" finds itself in an uncertain position in relation to the norms of labor activity, because the norms are associated with status. In general, a typical example of a liminal personality "suspended" between positions.

In Sistema, whoever you approach, the same intermediate considers himself an artist, is known among friends as an artist, but works in a boiler room as a stoker; poet (janitor), philosopher (tramp without a fixed place of residence). Most of them are here. Status in one's own eyes is not the same as status in the eyes of society. Accepted norms and values are different from those prescribed by society. The system that unites such people, as a result, turns out to be a community located in the gaps of the social structure, outside it. Let us quote once again the already mentioned Madison, since he himself took on the role of a Hippie historiographer and theorist: “Hippism, he declares, does not enter into a relationship with the constitution, its unmanaged possessions begin where there is not even a trace of state borders. These possessions are everywhere where the fire of creative independence burns."

Without exception, all "People" insist on their non-membership in society, or otherwise - independence. This is an important feature of the "Systemic" self-awareness. W. Turner, speaking about the communities of Western hippies, referred them to "liminal communities", that is, emerging and existing in the intermediate areas of social structures (from the Latin "limen" - threshold). This is where "liminal" individuals gather, persons of uncertain status who are in the process of transition or who have fallen out of society.

Where and why do "dropped out" people appear? There are two directions here. First: in this fallen, indefinite, "suspended" state, a person finds himself in a period of transition from the position of one to the position of another social structure. Then he usually finds his permanent place, acquires a permanent status, enters society and leaves the sphere of counterculture. Such reasoning is the basis of the concepts of V. Turner, T. Parsons, L. Feuer.

According to Parson, for example, the reason for the protest of young people and their opposition to the world of adults is "impatience" to take the place of their fathers in the social structure. And they still remain busy for some time. But the matter ends up rubbing the new generation into the same structure and, consequently, its reproduction. The second direction explains the appearance of fallen people by shifts in society itself. For M. Mead, it looks like this: “Young people come, growing up, no longer into the world for which they were prepared in the process of socialization. The experience of the elders is not good. it doesn't have it."

The new generation is stepping into the void. They do not emerge from the existing social structure (as in Parson or Turner), but the structure itself slips from under their feet. This is where the rapid growth of youth communities begins, repelling the world of adults, their unnecessary experience. And the result of being in the bosom of the counterculture is already different here: not embedding into the old structure, but building a new one. In the sphere of values, there is a change in the cultural paradigm: the values of the counterculture “emerge” and form the basis of the organization of a “big” society. And old values sink into underworld countercultures. In fact, these two directions do not reject each other, but complement each other. We are talking simply about different periods in the life of society, or its different states. During stable periods and traditional societies(studyed by Turner) the people who have fallen out are really those who are currently, but temporarily, in the process of transition. In the end, they enter society, settle down there, acquire status.

During periods of change, significant layers become dropped out to one degree or another. Sometimes it hurts, almost everyone. Not everyone goes into hippies, but many go through a countercultural state (fall into the zone of action of the counterculture).

No "System" can cover everything without a trace. Inevitably, something falls out of it. These are the remnants of former myths, the sprouts of a new one, information penetrating from strangers and not fitting into the main myth. All this settles in the sphere of external culture.

Uncertainty and self-organization: and so, "System" is an example of a community where those who have fallen out of the social structure flock. These people do not have a definite position, a strong position - their status is indefinite. The state of uncertainty plays a special role in the processes of self-organization.

The sphere of uncertainty is those social voids where we can observe the processes of the emergence of community structures, the transformation of an unstructured state into a structural one, i.e. self-organization.

Many people, left to themselves, interacting form similar communicative structures. L. Samoilov, a professional archaeologist, by the will of fate ended up in a forced labor camp. He noticed that informal communities with their own hierarchy and symbols are emerging among the prisoners. Samoilov was struck by their resemblance to primitive societies, sometimes down to the smallest detail:

“I saw,” he writes, and recognized in the camp life a number of exotic phenomena, which until then had been studied professionally in literature for many years, phenomena that characterize primitive society!

Primitive society is characterized by initiation rites - the initiation of adolescents into the rank of adults, rites consisting of severe trials.

For criminals, this is a "registration". Various "taboos" are characteristic of primitive society. We find absolute correspondence to this in the camp norms that determine what is "down" ... But the main similarity is structural:

“At the stage of decomposition,” writes L. Samoilov, many primitive societies had a three-caste structure, like our camp (“thieves” - the elite, the middle layer - “muzhiks” and outsiders - “lowered”), and leaders with fighting squads stood out above them, who collected tribute (as ours collect transmissions)."

A similar structure is known in the army units under the name "hazing". The same is true in the youth environment of big cities. For example, when metalworkers appeared in Leningrad, they developed a three-layer hierarchy: a clearly defined elite headed by a generally recognized leader named "Monk", the bulk of the metalworkers grouped around the elite, and finally - random visitors who wandered into the cafe where they gathered , listen to "metal" music. These latter were not considered real metalworkers, remaining in the status of "gopniks", that is, strangers who did not understand anything. It is the "excluded" communities that demonstrate the patterns of self-organization in the most pure form. There is a minimum of external influences, from which the excluded community is fenced off by a communication barrier. In an ordinary team, it is difficult to single out those processes that take place spontaneously in the community itself, that is, they relate to self-organization itself.

B) Symbol field.

A. m. Greek. abbreviation, list, full power symbol of justice. The fist is a symbol of autocracy. The triangle is the symbol of St. Trinity.

B. (from the Greek symbolon - a sign, an identifying sign),

1) in science (logic, mathematics, etc.) the same as a sign.

2) In art, the characterization of the artistic image in terms of its meaningfulness, the expression of a certain artistic idea. Unlike allegory, the meaning of a symbol is inseparable from its figurative structure and is distinguished by the inexhaustible ambiguity of its content.

V. Greek. the word to sumbolon (sun - with, boloV - throwing, throwing; sumballein - together with several people to throw something, for example, fishermen of the net when catching fish) later began to mean among the Greeks any material sign that had a conditional secret meaning for a known group of people, eg. for worshipers of Ceres, Cybele, Mitra. This or that sign (sumbolon) also served as a distinction between corporations, workshops, various parties - state, public or religious. The word "S." in everyday speech replaced more ancient word shma (sign, banner, goal, heavenly sign). Even later in Greece, sumbolon was called what in the West is called. lagritio - a number or ticket to receive free or at a reduced price of bread from state warehouses or from generous rich people, as well as rings.

There is another way to define (or represent) a community other than through its localization in the social structure: through symbolism. This is exactly what usually happens at the level of everyday consciousness or journalistic practice. Trying to figure out who "hippies" (or punks, etc.) are, we first of all describe their signs.

A. Petrov in the article "Aliens" in the "Teacher's Newspaper" depicts a party of hairy:

Shaggy, in patched and badly worn clothes, sometimes barefoot, with canvas sacks and backpacks embroidered with flowers and inscribed with anti-war slogans, with guitars and flutes, guys and girls walk around the square, sit on benches, on the paws of bronze lions supporting lanterns, straight on the grass. They talk animatedly, sing alone and in chorus, have a snack, smoke "...

If you look closely, it turns out that this "immediate impression" actually purposefully singles out the symbolism of the party society from the observed reality. Almost everything that A. Petrov mentions serves as identification marks of "friends" among the hairy ones. Here is the symbolism of appearance: a shaggy hairstyle, shabby clothes, home-made bags, etc. Then graphic symbols: embroidered flowers (a trace of the Flower Revolution that gave birth to the first hippies), anti-war slogans, such as: "Love, do not fight"! - a sign of the most important value of this environment - pacifism, non-violence.

The behavior described in the above passage: leisurely walks, free music-making, generally exaggerated ease - the same sign. It is all the form, not the content of communication. That is, the signs of belonging to the community are the first to catch the eye. And it is they who are described, wanting to represent this community. And indeed, the presence of a special symbolism, regarded as "one's own", is already an unconditional sign of the existence of a communicative field, a kind of social formation.

A. Cohen, for example, generally defines the community as a field of symbolism:

“The reality of the community in the perception of people,” he writes, “is in their belonging ... to a common field of symbols.” And further: "People's perception and understanding of their community ... is reduced to an orientation in relation to its symbolism." The presence of its own symbolism creates the possibility of forming a community, since it provides a means of communication. A symbol is a shell into which "own" information is packed. In this form, it is distinguishable from someone else's, and therefore, there is a difference in the density of communication links within the sphere where the symbol operates and outside it. This is the thickening of contacts, on the basis of which social structures are formed.

How true is this for the System? Has social education developed on the basis of its symbolism? As already mentioned, the System cannot be called a grouping in the full sense: regroupings are constantly going on in its bowels, some associations disappear and new ones are formed. People move from group to group. Rather, it is a kind of communication medium. Nevertheless, the System can be considered as a community, since there are such signs as a common language (slang and symbols), a network of communications - personal connections, superficial acquaintances (the faces at the party became familiar so that you already subconsciously recognize "ours").

There are common norms and values, as well as patterns of behavior and forms of relationships. There is also Systemic self-awareness, which is expressed, in particular, in self-names. There are several of them. Its representatives rarely call themselves "systemic" or "systemicists", and even then with irony. Most often - "people" (from the English "people" - people, people). Sometimes just people:

"One person told me yesterday ...", - you need to understand exactly what the Systemic said.

Slang and symbols form the basis of the internal communicative environment of the System, separating it from the outside world. At the same time, the symbolism of the system is extremely eclectic, in its fund you can find symbols that came from different religious groups (for example, from Hare Krishnas or Baptists), youth and rock movements (attributes of punk rock or heavy metal), as well as various socio-political movements: pacifism, anarchism, communism, etc.

The system has the peculiarity of absorbing someone else's symbolism and, recoding, include it in its fund. It is necessary to distinguish between bearers of the same symbolism, those who belong to the System and those who do not. For example, there are punks in the System who hang out with hippies and punk gangs outside of it. The latter do not consider themselves to be part of the System at all, and even, sometimes, they come to beat the "People". In the same way, there are Systemic and non-Systemic metalheads, Buddhists, Beatles and so on.

So, the presence of a common network of communications with its own language serving it, as well as a common self-awareness, norms and values, allows us to speak of the System as a community (without knowing its structure yet).

Tradition.

But it is especially important for us that this community has developed its own tradition, based mainly on oral transmission mechanisms. Every two or three years in the System, "generations" are replaced, a new cohort of young people enters the arena. People change, but the traditions of the System remain: the same basic norms of relations and values are reproduced, such as "freedom", "love" (in quotation marks, because these concepts are given a special, Systemic meaning); newcomers learn slang and use System Symbols, so outwardly they are not much different from their predecessors. Reproduced folklore forms: sayings, anecdotes, ditties, legends, and legends. Thus, we have here a tradition capable of self-reproduction. There is not only a system of communication links at the synchronous level, but also diachronic channels of communication. The bearers of the tradition determine its age at about two decades: the twentieth anniversary was solemnly celebrated on June 1, 1987. This starting point, of course, is mythological (it is believed that on June 1, 1667, the first hippies took to the street in Moscow on Pushkinskaya Square and called for the abandonment of violence) :

"They," says one of the tinted hippies, came out and said: Here we are - representatives of this movement, this will be a system of values and a system of people. Then the word "system" appeared. It is no coincidence that the date was chosen - Children's Day: "It was, - continued the same olodovy, - it was said: Live like children, in peace, tranquility, do not chase ghostly values ... It was just that the arrival was given to humanity so that they could stop and to think about where we are going... "Live like children" is the essence of the systemic worldview, and much of its symbolism is associated with images of childhood. "Generations" here change after two, three, sometimes four years. With the advent of each of them Systemic tradition replenished with new symbols.Each generation comes as new wave: in the beginning there were hippies, they formed the core of the System; now their followers are more often called hairy or “hairy” (from the English hair-hair); punks came, then metalheads, then lubers (and others, also marked with the symbols of the outgoing Soviet Union) . Each wave brings its attributes

Small group from the side. 8) Represent an alternative to state structures. 9) It is very difficult to classify in an orderly manner. 2. History of the informal movement. Causes of occurrence. During the period from 1988 to 1993-94, the number of informal associations increased from 8% to 38%, i.e. three times. The informals include the medieval Vagantov, Skomorokhov, Nobles, and the First Vigilantes. one) ...

At the same time, they strive for new relationships in society, built on love for other people. However, the naturalness declared by hippies is demonstrative, parodic. She is a famous call modern society which the hippie criticizes. A.P. Fine gives a description of other youth associations in our country. So, a group that is common to us is punks, which we already mentioned in ...

Seriously discussing this article does not make sense. And I place it, like most of these articles, only because of cultural interest. Only two questions arose - what kind of "dark metal" was it in 89? And what is the "Moscow Satanic Church"?

The article was framed by two tasteless collages of photos of some rock stars and their fans. I will place one of the two, because they Bad quality, and in general, the article is not about music.

Source: "Science and Religion", No. 7 for 1989.

The article talks about four groups called"MEMORY" . I am aware of the existence of two organizations under this name: the Orthodox "MEMORY" of Dmitry Vasilyev and the lesser-known pro-pagan "MEMORY" of Valery Yemelyanov.

Today we offer readers a conversation between our correspondent Sergei BARSUKOV and sociologist Andrei BYSTRITSKY. Andrei is 28 years old, and youth “informal” associations, some of which call themselves the “System”, are the main subject of his research.

- The classic beginning of the conversation requires identifying the subject of the conversation, namely the main types of informal associations.

- For me and some of my colleagues, a typology based on the attitude of one or another group to the individual as such, to the knowledge of the world around and what is called "socially significant action" is more acceptable. We single out groups where the collective beginning of "we" clearly prevails over the personal beginning of "I". These include mainly extremist associations of both the right and the left. Here, the personality is a kind of derivative of the generic whole; it has no right to count on independent significance. There are groups in which there is a balance of both personal and collective principles. These are hippies, punks and the like. And there are groups where personal effort is needed.

Speaking about the typology of groups, it must be said that the word itself "informal" implies a large set of various characteristics, which are difficult to reduce to a single whole, since, for example, put in one row "Luberov" and "Democratic Perestroika" is simply unthinkable. There is another typology based on the age limit, in which informal groupings are divided into adolescents and adults. The first are hippies, punks, Hare Krishnas, Lubers, "Remont", "Vnuki Dzerzhinsky" and many others. The latter are mainly socio-political groups, from the "Democratic Union" to "Memory". They are usually divided into "left" and "right" - depending on the political setting, often even unconscious.

How do religious groups fit in here?

– The fact is that the consciousness of very many people is not religious in the usual sense of the word, but not atheistic either. We can say that it is mythological. We will return to this definition later, but for now I will say that religiosity in one way or another permeates many informal groups. Let's say "metalheads". It seemed to be just music. However, if we climb the steps of "heavy metal rock", then we will encounter groups of "thrash metal", "dark metal", "speed metal", etc. Many of them are associated with oriental bioenergetic symbolism. Yin and Yang icons are popular among teenagers, although they usually do not fully understand these meanings.

In groups ecological type along with the declaration of some general humanitarian values, they are engaged in occultly colored meditative practice. As for, say, the “Memory” groups (there are now four of them in Moscow alone), you can find a variety of religious movements there: neo-pagans, orthodox Christians (mostly Orthodox), bioenergetics. I encountered, for example, one group whose members are engaged in the struggle against the forces of Shambhala. They know very vaguely what Shambhala is, since they got information about it from books, the writings of a certain Andrei Tomashevsky (aka Andrew Thomas) and some separate texts related to the Roerich spouses.

The capital even has "Moscow Satanic Church".

- And what do they do?

- According to my information, mainly "black" meditative practice. Simplifying a little, we can say that among the "Satanists" there is an attitude: to take with you to the next world as much as possible less sin. And since it is not easy to commit a serious sin, if we take into account the Criminal Code, then a certain kind of compensation is required, a special kind of state in which a person internally experiences the commission of this sin. Since it is also not so easy to enter the state of the fall, various meditative directions that have become widespread in the West are used: experiencing momentary paradoxical situations, Zen games of various kinds, etc.

- And what are "Orthodox hippies"?

- These are groups of a completely hippy worldview that share common evangelical attitudes towards universal love, non-violence, oriented towards the religiosity of the Orthodox persuasion. They often engage in very peculiar missionary activities, for example, they try to treat drug addicts by initiating the faith of Christ, emphasizing the salvation of the soul and its purification. Activities are sometimes quite successful.

– By the way, are drugs used as a meditative tool?

There are such groups. As a rule, they smoke hashish and drink kokhnar.

- I think no. Many participants in the youth informal movement simply cannot afford a holistic religious worldview. And those groups of young people who are guided by Christian idea, are usually grouped around the clergy. For example, Evangelical Christian Baptists have their own youth club.

Some groups are interested in Russian religious philosophy, study the works of N. Fedorov, P. Florensky, Vl. Solovyov. S. Bulgakov. But these are groups formed according to individual interests and standing outside the elemental current.

—Where is a certain identification line between religious and mythological consciousness, or rather, neo-mythological consciousness?

– Religious consciousness is guided by sacred, intangible values that exist outside the “world of the earth” in the “world above”. It is characterized by the concept of "our world" and "other world". mythological consciousness undivided, he sacred meaning can be attached to the most ordinary things. Religious consciousness is characterized by its own concepts of good and evil. There are forces of evil and good, and the forces of evil in themselves are not so much mundane as otherworldly: they can enter a person, they can leave him. The mythological consciousness simply divides really living people into “friends” (good) and “strangers” (evil), and all human qualities are indiscriminately denied from “strangers”. An "alien" can be killed, slaughtered - for the mythological consciousness he is not a person, while for a holistic religious consciousness, especially Christian - people are the same.

- And what about the “basurmans”, the infidels then? ..

- In my opinion, this means the absence of a holistic Christian worldview. The search for "informals" in its own way confirms this assumption. It seems to me that the emergence of Protestantism in the West marked a fundamentally new attitude towards faith. There was no Protestantism in Russia, there was a split in Russia. This is a qualitatively different process. I cannot say that Russia really did not know Christianity, since Christianity itself is deeply heterogeneous: the most diverse trends are mixed in it. But developed religious consciousness, without strata of pagan mythology, in Russia still was not enough. Perhaps, only now we are experiencing a situation when the mythological consciousness begins to get rid of. Take, for example, our disputes about what "socialism" is. "Socialism" itself is not the subject here. rational cognition but rather a matter of faith. urban culture implies a greater degree of pluralism, personal independent choice, while the patriarchal culture is characterized by a much lesser isolation of the individual from the world. Therefore, it is precisely the patriarchal-Epigonian groups that are more focused on syncretic (non-integral) religiosity, in which the rudimentary religious and established mythological consciousness are mixed with each other. The differences observed in these groups are very superficial, apparent. It is not for nothing that such an organization as "Memory", being a fundamentalist reaction to the Westernization of Russia, unites completely different people. It would seem that what does a neo-Christian have in common with a person who considers paganism the highest achievement of Russian culture? However, there is something in common. Fear of independent development personality, the desire to shift responsibility to some leader, father, sage.

- So this is a preference for the community model?

– Yes, it is similar to the fact that many people are afraid to live independently in a world where they would be fully responsible for themselves. Even the most seemingly advanced informal groups are still far from a true understanding of the individual and from true civilization. The patriarchal-communal consciousness, which, moreover, does not meet the new conditions of life, gives rise to distorted forms of thinking. They feed the so-called "informal" religiosity. I do not intend to touch the feelings of believers, truly religious people - this is their own business. I am talking about the fact that the religiosity that is now taking shape in the most diverse strata of our society is secondary religiosity, mythological and archaic in its form, and this archaism of it results in frightening results.

– Do you mean the “Kazan version”?

- And him. But the fact is that the so-called "Kazan option" is being implemented not only in Kazan. Similar processes are observed in Astrakhan, in Pavlodar. If teenage fights have always been inherent in the mechanism of youth socialization, then this cannot be said about the degree of cruelty, the oblivion of all humanistic landmarks, which in these places cross all possible boundaries. In my view, the “Kazan version” is directly related to this kind of syncretic, inorganic religiosity. The situation in Kazan is characterized by the fact that the city is rigidly divided into districts by groupings, and in a matter of hours a thousand-strong army of combat-ready units can be put up. There is neither spontaneity nor spontaneity here: the organization of these teenagers is no weaker than army units.

Such strict socialization is due to the fact that two thirds of the inhabitants of Kazan migrated from the countryside in the 70s, and at the same time mass building of the city began. The court nevertheless restrained social aggressiveness, prescribed certain behavioral rituals: “fight to the first blood”, “one on one”, etc. Now the old clan structure of Kazan has collapsed. In such situations, it is natural for teenagers to rally into rigid, closed groups. In essence, they reproduce models of patriarchal "godfather" structures. And if teenagers are not yet led by criminals, then this is only an accident, since there is a place for criminal leaders there: it has been prepared by patriarchal-communal mythology. Paradoxically, all this takes place on a kind of semi-religious basis of secondary mythological consciousness. If we add here absolutely incredible politicization, then this picture can cause serious concern. On the one hand, desocialized youth, on the other - "godfather" structures. On the third - some kind of semi-criminal ideology, and on the fourth - global politicization with utopias of social justice, the possibility of achieving the universal social good through tough violent actions. It may seem like a stretch to connect this with religiosity, but if we are serious about the mythological consciousness, which is very developed in our country, then this is just one of the factors of the decaying myth.

Another undoubted symptom of our time is the disintegration we are experiencing of what is usually called the imperial consciousness. The ideas of messianism, which were characteristic of people in the 20s-40s and even 50s, are now, in general, dead. Very few young people now openly declare that the ideas of socialism must spread to the whole world. But this does not mean that the messianic idea of universal forced beneficence has completely disappeared. Its outbursts can be the most astonishing. This is also a form of a kind of mythological religiosity.

“And it smacks of cult magic…”

- To some extent. If we talk about today's religious consciousness, then the picture is rather blurry. It cannot be said that these people are religious, and these are staunch atheists. In fact, there are many people living among myths, rumors, preconceptions, painful attitudes and painful disappointments. All this largely determines the spiritual atmosphere of today, and not only youth, but, most likely, universal.

– It turns out that the division into “formals” and “informals” is now taking place according to the principle: “formals” are some kind of social good, and “informals” are social evil?

- You correctly noted this mythological divide: "formals" - social good, "non-formals" - evil. The fact is that the public mythological consciousness is prone to polar oppositions, when the world is clearly divided into "black" and "white", "evil" and "good", and at the same time into "informal" - as a kind of social evil, and "formal" - some "correct" good. This is one of the utopias, like other ideas of ordinary consciousness - say, the opposition of socialism to capitalism (it is noteworthy that such democratic countries as Sweden, England, Belgium, Holland, Monaco have retained a formal monarchical system).

- Andrey, and "Mitki" – is it a group or social movement?

- The situation is as follows: on the one hand, we are mastering the current culture, on the other, the culture of the past. And the Mitki represent a kind of intermediate group trying to master the cultural context. They are playing with cultural symbols and through assimilation to them, they strive to master the culture from which we have so lagged behind. They write pictures, stories, music. There is a picture in which the "Mitki" give their ears to Ven Gogh. That is, there is an attempt to look at world culture not from the bottom up, but on an equal footing. But this attempt is not implemented in the same way in all Mitki. They also have enough patriarchal-communal troubles: flaunting a padded jacket, a vest, tarpaulin boots. In a certain sense, Mitki is an alternative cultural movement.

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Informals ("nefors", "nifers") are called almost all people whose way of thinking, behavior, habits and appearance are clearly different from the generally accepted. And since they are judged primarily "by clothes", it is easy to become informal in the eyes of outsiders because of non-standard (or vice versa, standard for some subcultures) hairstyles, clothes, accessories: oblique bangs or long hair (for men), sneakers with bright laces, baubles and so on. On the street, an informal person is easily recognizable by their special slang and often asocial behavior, which demonstrates a protest against social norms, standards and the system in general.

Unfortunately, external paraphernalia, the use of a few words that are understandable only to a certain group of people, and self-conceit are often limited. And in vain - after all, in fact, an informal person is not a rebel who lives only for the sake of rebellion, but a person with special non-standard views on life and society. Well-read, thinking, having non-standard tastes, liberated and free from the framework that people create for themselves. may not have a prominent appearance and conspicuous paraphernalia, remarkable clothing, but have an inner content, a special worldview and their own principles that differ from the generally accepted ones.

Informals are also called people who stand out not due to their own traits, but who identify themselves with a particular social group, often a youth subculture, representatives of groups, organizations, movements united by common interests and activities that are not the norm for society. Character traits This subculture is often traced in external paraphernalia: clothing, shoes, hair, piercings, special preferences in the color and cut of clothing, accessories and jewelry.

The very word "informal" arose back in the 70s - 80s in the USSR as a contrast to a person related to the "formal" (approved by the state) youth organization - the Komsomol, labor pens, sports circles, tourism, dances. Instead of participating in formal organizations that act in accordance with social stereotypes and the course of the country, some representatives of the youth (primarily students) created their own organizations. In contrast to the official ones, they were called "informal".

The first informals became members of self-created groups of public initiatives, interest clubs, but often this developed into semi-legal and illegal activities - from the beginnings of the first musical and ideological subcultures to teenage gangs. The representatives of these social associations themselves did not call themselves informals - the term was fixed in society as a negative one, and only later, in the mid-1990s, it lost such coloring - then protest against society became, if not the norm, then at least a familiar phenomenon.

The informals of the 70s and 80s were from the environment of hippies and punks, the rest of the countercultures were poorly represented - besides, the effect of censorship, the inaccessibility of musical and other cultural achievements of the West (remember at least the status of rock) and pressure law enforcement did not allow the phenomenon to develop. Adjacent to the informal environment were song clubs and fandoms of fantasy books. It was easy to distinguish them by ripped jeans and bright clothes, bandanas, baubles, leather jackets and sometimes pants, long hair, some other non-standard symbols in the form of badges and stripes. Often the image was complemented by pronounced antisocial behavior: addiction to alcohol, cigarettes, sometimes even drugs.

Now representatives of most youth subcultures call themselves informals. The informal is a person, a person who opposes himself, his views and activities to the mainstream, that is, the preferences of the majority. What is characteristic of informals? First of all, novelty and a non-standard approach - they tend to deny the experience and ideals of past generations, they are alien to the culture developed by their predecessors, including classics, national traditions and features. Calling informal - outrageous; to impress the public, to challenge it - his ideal of life. Because of such clashes for each value orientation, the concept of the informal environment as a counterculture is born - however, the majority in it is still aimed at consumption, and not independent creativity. Avant-garde and striving for the future are its best features.

MINISTRY OF EDUCATION AND SCIENCE OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION

FEDERAL GOU SPO

ESSAY

On the topic: "Informals"

Discipline: "Social psychology"

Completed: st.gr. 23PV

Khudoyan Roza Amarovna

Checked:

Belogorsk

I. Main part.

one). The concept of "informals". "Informals" - who are they?

The concept of "informals", "informals" - who are they? The answers to these questions are ambiguous, just as informal associations themselves are ambiguous and heterogeneous. In addition, the turbulent political life makes amateur formations change, and these changes often concern not only the forms and methods of their activity, but also the proclaimed goals. FORMAL is usually called a social group that has a legal status, which is part of a social institution, an organization where the position of individual members is strictly regulated by official rules and laws. But informal organizations and associations have none of this.

INFORMAL ASSOCIATIONS are a mass phenomenon. For the sake of what interests do people and children, teenagers and youth, adults and even gray-haired old people not unite? The number of such associations is measured in tens of thousands, and the number of their members is measured in millions. Depending on what interests of people are the basis of the association, various types of associations arise. Recently, in large cities of the country, looking for opportunities to fulfill their needs, and not always finding them within existing organizations, young people began to unite in so-called "informal" groups, which would be more correctly called "amateur amateur youth associations." Their attitude is ambiguous. Depending on their orientation, they can be both an addition to organized groups and their antipodes. Members of amateur associations fight to preserve the environment from pollution and destruction, save cultural monuments, help to restore them free of charge, take care of the disabled and the elderly, and fight corruption in their own way. Spontaneously emerging youth groups are sometimes called informal, sometimes amateur, sometimes amateur. From my point of view, the term "amateur movement" seems to be the most adequate. And here's why: firstly, they are all formed on the principle of voluntariness and are organizationally independent; secondly, for the most part they are engaged in some particular type of activity, counting on a real return. That is why the term "informals" originally used is not entirely accurate and can only be used in relation to such groups and associations as "Hippies", "Punks", "Metalists" and other other groups. They are characterized, most often, by a spontaneous, unorganized, unstable character.

"Amateurs" are traditionally called people who have devoted themselves to creativity in a non-professional form, whether it be theatrical or fine arts, collecting, invention, social activities. Therefore, the term "amateur organizations" in relation to such associations seems to be more optimal and can be attributed to all types and areas of youth activity. Speaking about amateur associations and their mutual connection with state and public institutions, it is necessary to note three situations in terms of their significance:

1. Cooperation.

2. Opposition and criticism.

3. Opposition and struggle.

All these three functions are organically interconnected and cannot be artificially abolished.

Thus, I think that we have already sorted out the question a little: "Who are" NON-FORMAL "? Although this is a rather short explanation of this concept, I still think that the essence is more or less clear. We can say with an even shorter definition, which I will try to formulate it myself: "NONFORMAL" is a group of people that arose on someone's initiative or spontaneously to achieve some goal by people with common interests and needs.

Maybe my definition is not quite complete and accurate. I just tried to be brief.

BUT). external culture.

External cultures have existed and exist in different societies. Early Christians were externals in the Roman Empire. In medieval Europe, these are numerous heresies. There is a split in Russia.

If we imagine society as a whole as a hierarchy of interrelated positions (statuses), then the "System" will be between positions, that is, outside of society. It is no coincidence that public opinion and scientific tradition refer to the sphere of the underground (from the English "undeground" - underground), counter-culture, or the word "informals" was also popular in the domestic lexicon. All these definitions point to externality, which is characterized by the prefixes "counter-", "under-", "non-". It is clear that we are talking about something opposing ("counter-"), not visible and secretive (under-), unformed. This localization outside the structures of society is quite consistent with the actual "Systemic" worldview.

It is necessary to give a description of the "System", at least the most general, so that one can imagine what is at stake. But doing so turns out to be difficult. There seems to be no familiar features of the community here. Sistema itself categorically rejects attempts to reduce it to any social scheme. A typical example of her self-determination is an excerpt from an article by A. Madison, a very old (Old) hippie from Talin:

"The movement, and it would be incomparably more correct to call it a shift, did not put up any cumbersome leaders dressed in bulletproof charisma, did not give rise to organizations that declared holy war on everyone and, of course, especially each other for the right to oversee the imperishable relics of orthodoxy, did not finally fail under this non-existent orthodoxy, no special hippie philosophy, ideology or religion. Instead of ideology, ideals were grounded from the very beginning, which are formed quite simply - peace and love.

Indeed, "System" cannot be defined either as an organization or a party, or as a community or a political (ideological, religious) movement. And how to define it?

Out of society.

There is a way of defining a community in terms of its place in the social structure. As for the "System", its typical representative is in the gap between the positions of the social structure. Let's say one "old people" from Pskov says this about himself:

"About work: I worked at many enterprises, but I understood that this was not mine ... There is one job that I want to get, it is mine.

This is archeology. I could even work there for free.

Where and why do "dropped out" people appear? There are two directions here. First: in this fallen, indefinite, "suspended" state, a person finds himself in a period of transition from the position of one to the position of another social structure. Then, as a rule, he finds his permanent place, acquires a permanent status, enters society and leaves the sphere of counterculture. Such reasoning is the basis of the concepts of V. Turner, T. Parsons, L. Feuer.