The chroniclers had very little interest in the daily life of the inhabitants of Tauantpinsuyu, which they sometimes depicted as filled with work alone and regulated down to its most intimate aspects (like the choice of a spouse) by representatives of the state. Much scattered information refutes this gloomy and harsh panorama, which some monumental works on the Incas, however, continue to develop and support. It seems that the Incas had enough holidays and entertainments, and all of them were inextricably linked with the performance of collective work and religious ceremonies. The iconography of all periods of the history of ancient Peru is replete with images of musicians, instruments and dancers, and historical sources emphasize the importance of music, singing and dance in the everyday life of the Andean peoples of the 16th and 17th centuries. Various parties privacy, especially family life, education and sexual behavior, unfortunately, are still little studied, as they did not become an object serious research and the Inca kinship system.
Names
Throughout their lives, the Incas and their subordinate peoples have repeatedly changed their names.
At birth, the child received the first name, often due to some event that happened at that moment (for example, the words spoken by his father or mother, or even the appearance of a bird). He changed his name on the occasion of the first transitional ritual of life - "hair cutting" - which was celebrated when he was one or two years old. The second name change took place during the rite of passage into adulthood, at the age of 14-15. These names, as a rule, consisted of two words, the first of which was an indication or definition to the second: Sulka Uaman "Junior Hawk", Chuki Lyantu "Shadow of the Spear" (wife of Huascar). These components, it seems, were sometimes borrowed from the heritage of the names of famous ancestors and often denoted some powerful animal: puma (cougar), condor (contour), snake (amaru), hawk (waman), etc., since the ancestors-ancestors, in the view of the Incas, in order to defeat enemies, were able to turn into animals.
Celebration in the Province of Contisuio (according to Felipe Guaman Pome, 1615)
Some of the components of Inca names are not explained in Quechua; most likely, they owe their origin to the language belonging to one or another ethnic group: Yupanki (Inca Yupanki; Tupac Yupanki) - "Brilliant", Roca (Inca Roca) or Maita (Maita Capac) - "Powerful". In the 16th century, the Incas considered the term yupanqui as a kind of honorary title; in relation to women, the term ocllo (“pure”) was used in a similar way, which is part of many female names, for example, the wife and sister of Manco Capac, Mama Oklio - “Mothers of Occlio”. Those of the names of the Inca rulers that lend themselves to interpretation hint at some real characterization of the one who wears them: Ljoque Yupanqui - "Yupanki Left-Handed", Atahualpa - "Fortunate in War", Tupac Amaru - "Brilliant Serpent", Ashau Rimachi - "The one who makes Uda-chu speak." It seems that the rulers received a new name immediately after accession to the throne, like Inca Yupan-qui, who wanted to be considered the founder of the empire, and ordered himself to be called Pachacuti - "Return of the Age", or Tupac Cusi Hualpa - "Happy and Brilliant", - who became Huayna Capac - "Young Master". In the same way, the names by which some persons were known do not appear to have been acquired by them in adolescence, but, like a surname, speak of a certain characteristic acquired already in adulthood: Rumiñavi "Stone Eye" was a ruthless commander Atahualpa; Atuk "Fox" - General Huascara, probably very cunning; Uturunku Achachi "Old Jaguar" - the commander of Tupac Yupanqui, who conquered the Amazon region and killed the jaguar there. Some were known by the name of their place of birth: Kivar Tu-pak, "the Brilliant of Kivar", son of Tupac Inca, was probably born in Kivar, near Cuzco; Huanca Auqui, "Master of the Huanca," Huascar's general, was the son of Huayn Capac and a woman from the Huanca tribe.
The terms that make up the names of women often indicate elements related to the female sphere: Kuri Ilpay "Women's Bosom", wife of Inka Roki; Kusi Rimay "Word of Happiness", wife and sister of Wayne Capac; Chimpu Urma "(Felled from the sky) Particle of (Lunar?) Radiance", wife of Inka Rocky \ Kispi Sisa "Clear Flower", daughter of Wayne Ka-paka and cohabitant of Francisco Pizarro. Like men, women are sometimes named after their place of birth: Mama Runtukayan, "Mother Runtukayan", wife of Inca Viracocha, was from the village of the same name, and Mama Anavarka, "Mother Anavarka", wife of Pachacuti, was born on the heights of Anavarka, near Cusco.
Life cycle
For the Incas, the most significant moments of life were the first haircut, dedication to adulthood, marriage and death. These transitions were accompanied by important rites. Birth, on the contrary, did not give rise to any special ceremony, probably due to the high mortality rate of newborn children, so that the transition from the category of “baby” to the category of “child” was considered a real entry into life, approximately at the age of two. This transition was accompanied by the ceremony of the first "hair cutting" (rutuchikuy). On this occasion, parents and their friends got together to drink and dance. Each cut off a lock of the child's hair, which was carefully preserved throughout his life.
First haircut (according to Garcilaso, 1609)
They stopped breastfeeding after two or more years and cut off the first hair with which they were born and which had not been touched before. Then they were given given name, which they were supposed to have, for which all relatives gathered, from which one godfather of the child was chosen, and he cut off the first tuft of hair. Stone knives served as scissors, since the Indians had not yet managed to invent scissors. Behind godfather others went according to their rank, age or dignity, to cut off their tuft of hair from the weaned; having finished the haircut, they gave him a name and handed over their gifts that they had brought; some - clothes, others - cattle, others - various types of weapons, others gave him gold or silver jugs for drinking, and these gifts had to have signs of royal distinction, which ordinary people were allowed to use only on personal privilege. gee from the Incas.
As soon as the offerings ended, the celebration of drinking began, for without it there was no good holiday. They sang and danced until night, and this rejoicing lasted two, three or four days, or even more, depending on the relationship of the child.
Already from childhood, a person, to one degree or another, participated in economic activity: the girls helped their mother cook and weave, while the boys protected the cattle from predators. The most complex and confusing rite was the transition of a girl or young man to adulthood, which gave them the right to start a family. The ritual, which was performed by boys of fourteen or fifteen years old, was called by the Incas huarachikuy (“loincloth”). This ceremony was held in December, at the time of the summer solstice, and it consisted of several trials, which were intended to test the ability of young men to become warriors. After several days of fasting, they had to run across the Cuzco Valley, then engage in battle with another of the same group, and in a serious battle - often after such battles they carried away the wounded, and sometimes the dead. At the end of a series of military exercises, the young men's ears were pierced to insert the traditional thick rings of the Incas, then they were given loincloths that testified to their newly acquired masculine status, they were given new names, and the elders made speeches. The equivalent ritual for girls, kikuchikui ("(first) menstruation"), was less elaborate. After several days of abstaining from food, the girl was visited by relatives, to whom she served food and drinks. On this occasion, she was given adult name, new clothes and other gifts, after which they also showered with instructions.
Marriage is a key moment in life: after it, everyone receives all their rights and obligations. By creating a family, that is, a new economic unit, the community member fully accepted the guilt in favor of the master. Men got married at the age of 20-25, girls got married between 16 and 20 years. A new cell of society was considered to be finally created after the construction of the house. Marriages took place within their own lyakta, and possibly even their own ailyu, and the newlyweds settled not far from the house of the young man's parents. Among the elites, polygamy and marriages with representatives of other peoples were the rule, very common, since they made it possible to strengthen political alliances.
Marriages of commoners (according to Garcilaso, 1609)
At the marriages of commoners, the councils of each village were obliged to build houses for their newlyweds, and relatives provided them with a dowry. They were not allowed to marry either between the inhabitants of one and the other provinces, or between the inhabitants of one village with another; they all married in their villages and within their relatives (like the tribes of the Israelites), so as not to mix the clan and not to mix the peoples one with another. The only exceptions were sisters, and all residents of one village and even one province were considered relatives (like bees from one hive), since they belonged to the same people and spoke the same language. They were also forbidden to move to live from one province to another, or from one village to another, or from one city quarter to another, so that the decuria [community of ten households], which were made up of residents of each village and quarter would not get mixed up, and also because the houses were built by the councils, and they did not have to build them more than once, and this was done in the same block or in the neighborhood with their relatives.
About the concepts related to the birth and upbringing of a person, we know almost nothing. In any case, life seems to have been viewed by the Incas not as a path that has its beginning and end, but as a kind of becoming with blurred boundaries, consisting of successive life periods, perhaps like an agricultural year, which also does not had no beginning and no end. Death was seen by the Incas as a continuation of life. The bodies of the dead were placed in a sitting position in rocky shelters or in burial towers, where, protected from rain, contact with the ground and blown by the winds, they dried out without decomposing at all. They were dressed in the best clothes, utensils, weapons and working tools (spindles, fishing nets, etc.) were placed next to them so that they could afterlife could be engaged in the activities necessary for their existence. For five days after the death, the soul of the deceased (supai) continued to wander in those places that she used to visit during his life. Then she "departed" to the place of origin of the community (pakarina), where she led a second life. The bodies of the dead, however, continued to receive offerings of food and drink from the living from time to time.
To the caciques and the state, which periodically engaged in mobilization work force among the population, it was extremely important to register people by age categories according to their physical condition and role in production. Those were categories not purely administrative, but the corresponding organizations of labor, moreover, such as it was determined by the peasants themselves.
Age classification
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nursing child |
nursing child |
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child (3-7 years old) |
child (3-7 years old) |
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girl, not yet |
boy not yet |
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having reached that |
having reached that |
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age when |
age when |
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you can create |
you can create |
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family (8-13 years old) |
family (8-15 years old) |
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unmarried |
single guy, |
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girl, but |
but already reached |
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having reached that |
that age |
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age when |
when possible |
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you can create |
to start a family |
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pukuska married |
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dwelling
As a rule, the Incas did not destroy the dwellings of the conquered peoples - they continue to live in the same villages as before. On the hills, these villages were located in places unsuitable for plowing, on the edge of a hill or on steep spurs, descending steeply into the valleys. Fortified from the "reachable" side, these eagles' nests were clearly visible from their own kind, several kilometers away, which allowed their inhabitants to always be on the alert and protect their territory. Some villages—there are not many of them—looked like real cities, with up to 10,000 inhabitants, but most of them still numbered only a few hundred. Sometimes such villages had a small area, but they were never built according to any plan, and there were no differences between the houses in terms of style or architectural quality. Around the living areas, along the inner perimeter of the fortress walls, there were pens for animals and grain barns, most often in the amount of 20 to 50 units.
At higher elevations, people's dwellings consisted of patios bounded by stone walls, inside which were one or more circular buildings, from three to six meters in internal diameter. One of these buildings served as a kitchen, others as rooms, and still others as warehouses.
The walls, depending on the region, were built of uncut stone or raw brick and even clods of earth, the roofs were covered with thatch.
The caciques had more spacious dwellings, where they received their subjects during the rainy season. The small size of the family houses of the majority of the population is explained by the climate: during the day, throughout the year, it was warm and sunny, which allowed everyone to be mostly in the yard; according to some observations, during the day, small houses without windows absorbed the sun's rays and kept them all night. In the courtyard in front of the house, the crops were sorted out and dried in the sun. Here they sewed and wove. The dwellings of ordinary people, built as part of the urban planning programs of the state, differed from traditional houses in their rectangular shape, which copied the shape of the prestigious Inca buildings.
On the coast, most people built houses from wicker reeds, while representatives of the nobility lived in adobe buildings.
At Kolyasuyu, the mummies of the dead were kept in funerary towers, incorrectly called chulpa by archaeologists (this term, which means "withered, dried up", is actually a modern designation for the withered bodies located there) and built on the model of houses. Round or square, made of stone or adobe, these towers, however, were much higher than the dwellings of living people, and went up to the sky, in the form of a cylinder or a parallel-piped. Some of them happened to reach 12 meters in height. Even those that followed Inca architectural forms and were rectangular had a circular internal structure with a false vault.
Due to the rarity of trees both in the Andes and on the coast, the tradition of furnishing houses with furniture among the ancient Peruvians did not develop at all. All their simple utensils - pots, earthenware jugs, mugs, plates and cups - were displayed in a row on the ground or in niches arranged in the walls, or hung from the beams covering the roof. Food was stored in large jugs inside the house or in barns outside. In some areas, the hearth consisted of only a few stones. It was located in the middle of the dwelling, at least a meter from the wall. In other places, they used terracotta hearths leaning against the wall. Smoke escaped through holes made in the roof. This hearth was, as a rule, double, since, in order to save such rare firewood, two pots were often set to heat up at once at the same time. Where cattle breeding was developed, firewood successfully replaced the dried manure of llamas or alpacas. In order to eat, the Incas descended to the ground, placing in front of them (sometimes on a piece of cloth) ceramic, wooden or bottle gourd plates and bowls. The women ate, sitting with their backs to the men and looking at the hearth. The upper classes of society also ate on the ground, but from luxurious ceramics and even from gold and silver utensils placed on expensive fabrics. The kitchen was inhabited by guinea pigs, who fed on cleanings and created dwellings in the recesses of the walls. Ordinary people, as a rule, slept on a blanket spread directly on the ground. Some high-status houses had a platform that served as a bed for the whole family, with cotton mattresses and woolen blankets. The furnishing of the royal residences was practically limited to tablecloths, courts, mattresses and bedspreads. The only form of seating, tiyapa, was reserved for persons of the highest rank. It was a low, slightly concave chair carved from a single piece of wood, often in the shape of some animal.
Food, drink and coca
The Incas were not famous for such culinary traditions as other royal and imperial elites were at that time. At the feasts, little was eaten and much was drunk, due to the fact that maize beer was an extremely nutritious drink. The daily diet of the majority of the population was vegetarian. The food was either boiled in a pot or fried over a fire. The many plants grown in the Andean region made it possible to prepare many soups and stews seasoned with pepper, aromatic herbs, and sometimes meat. Like modern Andean peasants, the inhabitants of 7auantinsuyu limited themselves to two meals a day; the first, most dense, occurred around eight o'clock in the morning, the second - at four or five o'clock in the afternoon. In the middle of the day, the Incas, as a rule, were in the field or in the pasture, where they refreshed themselves. light snack consisting of potatoes and/or boiled or fried maize.
In the mountains, the basis of nutrition was potatoes, many variations of which have a wide variety of tastes and textures. Like today, it was processed, as a rule, in two ways, after which it received a completely different taste: chuno (frozen potatoes) is a product that is obtained by drying potatoes for three days, in the sun during the day and in the cold at night . Then the tubers are crushed with their feet in order to eliminate the remaining moisture; Moraya is also obtained by keeping potatoes for three days in the cold, after which it is lowered into the waters of some river, where it is left to dry out in the sun for three weeks. These processes allow potatoes to be stored for at least five years and are equally applicable to other root crops (for example, to oka, from which kaya is extracted), even to maize (from which chuchuk is obtained). Without such an opportunity to store food for a long time, it would be simply impossible to live in a puna, where frosts in just one night can destroy the entire annual crop.
Unlike the inhabitants of the coast, who consumed maize in large quantities, those of the Incas who lived in the mountainous regions ate corn only as an additional product, boiled or fried, or, during the holidays, in the form of brioches. However, with the rise of the Inca Empire, maize consumption seems to have begun to increase. Meat (dried - llamas or alpacas, fried - guinea pigs), the majority of the population ate only special occasions. The inhabitants of the coast, on the contrary, could always taste fish stew if they wished. The ancient Peruvians never drank milk, did not eat cheese or eggs, even though many animals at their disposal could well supply them with these products.
The Incas preferred to drink not water, but beer, which was made from maize (such beer was called either aha or asua), quinoa, oka, pepper tree, canihua, ceratonia grains, etc. - with a very low alcohol content in everyday life and with much more - on holidays. In order to make maize beer, the grains were kept for several days on wet straw so that they began to sprout. Then these seedlings were slightly dried, crushed and thrown into boiling water. The liquid thus obtained was passed through a sieve, then poured into hermetically sealed vessels, where it was to ferment.
Eating (according to Garcilaso, 1609)
Food was available in the greatest abundance, since it was prepared for all the relatives of the Inca who wanted to eat with him, and for the servants of the royal house, of which there were innumerable. The time of the main meal for the Incas and for all ordinary people was in the morning - from eight to nine; in the evening they supped in the daylight, they ate lightly, and apart from these two times they ate nothing else. As a rule, they were bad eaters; I mean they ate little; in drink they were great sinners; they did not drink during the meal, but retribution came after the meal, for the drink lasted until night. This was the case among the rich, for the poor, who were the common people, were lacking in everything, but not in need.
Coca is a tree grown in warm and humid regions whose leaves contain a stimulant substance similar to caffeine or theine. It was chewed at every opportunity with a dough based on lime or vegetable ash, which made it possible to release the alcohol contained in its leaves.
Coca (according to Blas Valera, 1590-1596)
Coca is a kind of tree the height and thickness of a vine; it has few branches, and on them there are many tender leaves, the width of a thumb and a length of half the same finger, with a pleasant, but slightly faint smell; the Indians and Spaniards call these leaves coca. The Indians like coca so much that they value gold and silver and precious stones below it; it is planted with great attention and care, and with even more - collected; because they take off the leaves themselves with their hands and dry them in the sun, and so the Indians eat them dry, but not swallowing them; they only savor the smell and swallow the juice. The usefulness and strength of coca can be inferred from the fact that the Indians who eat it show more strength and a greater disposition to work; and many times, satisfied with it, they toil all day long without food.
Medicine
The ancient Peruvians attributed illnesses (unkui) to two causes. The first was the penetration of a certain foreign entity into a person, from which superhuman strength emanated. Identification of this essence, "settled" in the body of the patient, allowed the symptoms. Such penetration was usually considered a punishment imposed on the sick person by some deity (usually - huaca) for some misconduct, impiety, negligence committed in relation to this deity or violation of any prohibition by the sick person himself or by someone from his loved ones. The patient was not necessarily aware of the misconduct committed by him or by one of his relatives, so it was the healer's task to recognize him. Once the diagnosis was made, the disease could be expelled in various ways. For example, having "sucked" the pain out of the body, the doctor then presented the patient with some object or stone, supposedly extracted from his body and concretized the disease. Sometimes, in order to “absorb” the disease and free the sick patient from it, they rubbed a live guinea pig. However, not all of these "penetrations" were the result of this or that oversight. Often, the Incas blamed the bodies of the dead for what happened (no matter how long ago those died), which they considered very dangerous and capable of infecting the living with their emanations.
Also, a person could get sick due to the loss of the “soul” (sunku), which was now kept in a special place (pacha) by a certain supernatural power. The healer had to return the "soul" to the patient's body, otherwise inevitable death would have awaited him. Symptoms of soul loss could include depression, unexplained emaciation, fever, nausea, vomiting, diarrhoea, asthenia, or insomnia. Often, one of the ways to establish a diagnosis was fortune-telling: the healer made a conclusion based on the position that the coca leaves took, which he allowed to fall on any piece of tissue.
The psychotherapeutic effectiveness of the above procedures is difficult to assess. Therapy of ancient Peru was based, however, also on an exceptionally rich pharmacopoeia and excellent knowledge of anatomy. Local healers knew a lot of painkillers and hemostatic agents, plant and mineral substances that had a moderate antiseptic property. Apparently, the Incas also had deep surgical knowledge. They practiced craniotomy; removed foreign bodies using bronze tongs; some kind of gauze bandages were applied to the wounds. Like their predecessors, the Incas also knew how to carry out amputations, as evidenced by the discovered wooden prostheses.
Cloth
Most people, in any corner of the Andes, but-were practically the same clothes; the hairstyle and headdress indicated the belonging to one or another tribe in the first place. Simple Incas walk with their heads shaved, while the privileged Incas, like the Indians of the stake, wore very long hair. Women's hairstyles, apparently, were less variable: women combed their long hair into a parting in the middle, and they fell freely. A distinctive part of the Inca hairstyle was a woolen bandage (lyautu), created by repeatedly wrapping around the head and tying braid with braided laces. Some tribes practiced the deformation of the skull: among the Indians of the stake, it was oblong and pointed and was decorated with a cap of the same shape. The Cañari, on the other hand, had a slightly flattened head.
Plain men's clothing It consisted of a loincloth (uara) and a sleeveless tunic (unku), which reached almost to the knees, as well as a rectangular cloak (yacolya), which was worn in cold weather or on ceremonial occasions. Unku was made from cotton on the coast and from wool in the Andes. It has existed since ancient times - the oldest examples of it that have come down to us date back to the middle of the 1st millennium BC. Shoes were the same for both sexes: both men and women wore sandals or moccasins. Women wore a dress (aksu) and a thin cape (lyiklya), which fell from their shoulders and descended to the very ground. The dress was a large rectangular piece of fabric that Inca women wrapped around the body. Around the waist they tied a wide, skillfully made belt (chumpi), which tightened and fastened the dress. In order to fasten the capes, they stabbed them with two disk-shaped brooches (tupu). Such a robe could easily be opened at chest level in order to feed the baby. Another pin (tips), shorter, made it possible to fasten the dress below when it was not tied on the chest with a knot. The hair was tied up with an elegant vincha. Inca women covered their heads with a strip of cloth (nyanyaka), folded three or four times (in length) in such a way that one of its edges was held at the top of the head, and the other hung down on the back. When the sun beat down too mercilessly, the nyanyaka spun, turning into a kind of mantilla. The tunic, cloak, and dress were usually black or chestnut in the Sierra and white in the coast, where they were made of cotton. The structure, the direction of the pattern and the neckline in the tunic were vertical in men's attire and horizontal in women's. Thus, clothing visually embodied one of the fundamental aspects of Andean dualism, according to which a man and a woman were a pair of complementary opposites.
Clothing was not made from cut and sewn pieces of fabric, but from completely woven on the loom, including ornament and fringe. The task of the weaver was to produce a finished product, since the clothes could not be tailored. Indeed, based on modern ethnographic data, one can conclude that clothes and even bags and bags were considered by the Incas as living beings, however, like houses and other objects that we would consider inanimate. The list of pieces of clothing seems to confirm this perception: the tunic, for example, consisted of "heart", "mouth", "innards", "buttocks", etc. Ethnologists note that sometimes even now in representations local residents the bag "is" a toad, the rope is a snake, and the sire is a lizard. Thus, Andean weavers had to have a clear idea of all aspects of the future attire - size, shape, proportion and layout - even before starting work. Even the uiki was made from a single piece of cloth, with a hole for the head made on a loom. In clothing, there was practically no variability in forms. So, the noble Incas could be distinguished from commoners only by the quality of the fabric of their outfits, the first wore ahuasca, the second - kumpi. The inhabitants of Tahuantinsuyu slept fully dressed and did not wash their clothes, but only changed them periodically. Holidays were an opportunity to put on more colorful robes for a while. The Inca never walked around in the same outfit for more than one day, presenting it as a gift to one of his close associates whom he wanted to single out. Jewelry was worn by both sexes. In the ears of the Incas, there were huge, about 5 centimeters in diameter, cylindrical pendants that deformed the lobes of the ears, as a result of which the Spaniards called them nuts - “lop-eared”. Men of a certain rank also wore metal bracelets or discs around their neck or head. The women had nothing in their ears; their ornaments were limited to necklaces and brooches.
Games and entertainment
The entertainment of the subjects of the Incas is almost inextricably linked with economic and ritual life. The main reason for entertainment was joint work, since whoever invited a certain group of people to do some work had to offer them a hearty meal and plenty of maize beer. Work was thus seen not as a punishment, but as a celebration. It was an opportunity to strengthen bonds between members of the same ailu, as alcohol opened hearts and brought people together. In a word, one and the same activity combined economic, social, symbolic and game functions. Dance occupied a large place in the life of the subjects of the Inca: ceremonies by which honors were paid to some deity, ancestor, noble person or Inca, consisted primarily in dancing in front of him to the sounds of all kinds of flutes, drums, bells and bells ( stringed instruments were not known to the Incas), sometimes with elaborate costumes and masks.
The most popular game in ancient Peru was pichka. It was played with the help of painted stone or wooden cubes in the form of a truncated pyramid, called pichka, “five”.
The smallest side of the dice, on which the cross was drawn, was equal to five points, the other four sides had a value from one to four, depending on the number of parallel stripes on them. Divided into two teams, the players took turns throwing a bone and moving chips (often beans of various colors) on a wooden game board divided into sections, each of which had a value of 10, 20, 30, 40 or 50 points. Scoring was done using maize grains of two different colors. Whenever one of the teams managed to get ahead of the other, those who took the lead exclaimed: "Misayki" - "We overtook your color!" The game continued until one of the participating sides won six times. Often they played for fun, and then guinea pigs, cattle or fabrics were put at stake. In ritual circumstances, the pichka game could also serve as a method of divination. The forces that were invoked on the occasion of the ritual were supposed to act in accordance with how the bone fell, which made it possible, at the end of the session, to establish the relationship that existed at that moment between the invisible forces. This use of pichka took place at critical moments of transition between two periods, such as the beginning of the rainy season or the first days after someone died. In fact, it was the favorite game of the Incas during the five nights that they were to spend at the coffin of the deceased.
Commoners were forbidden to hunt wi-cuñas, guanacos and representatives of the deer family without special permission. Approximately every four years, the Inca or its representatives organized a big hunt (chaku), in which the entire village population took part. It was both fun for the nobility, which played a major role in the hunt, and entertainment for the common people who participated in it, as well as a good opportunity to distribute meat among both. Thousands of beaters formed a huge circle several kilometers in diameter and moved towards its center, trying to make as much noise as possible and driving the game in front of them in the direction where the Inca was. As they advanced, the hunters killed cougars, spectacled bears, foxes, and wild cats. Deer, as well as male sires, were released. Other males were slaughtered, and their skins were divided among all participants in the round-up. Caught vicunas and guanacos were sheared, after which most of them were also released into the wild; some were killed as needed, and their skins were distributed among the families. Guanaco wool, coarser, was given to the common people, while the soft vicuna wool was intended for the Inca, who then distributed it to those whom he wanted to reward. The meat obtained in this way was dried so that it could be stored for several years, until the next hunt. During such a raid, the ruler appeared before his subjects as the main supplier of meat. It is known that Inca Manco organized a chaca in honor of Francisco Pizarro, leading 10,000 people to hunt, who slaughtered about 11,000 animals.
Entertainment has always played a huge role in the life of society, distracting from the series of everyday life, being a means of communication and joy, contributing to the formation and strengthening of the community of people. The urban festive culture was largely different from the rural, peasant one. The transfer of traditional agricultural holidays to urban conditions could not but affect their character.
IN pre-revolutionary Russia There were different types of holidays - state, religious, family. As well as now, non-working and holidays were marked in the calendar in red. In 1896, for example, there were 42 "red" days of the calendar.
The specificity of the Siberian region, which manifested itself in the composition of the population, the features of urban development, the economy, etc., also influenced the sphere of leisure. Almost all contemporaries recorded this: “Russia is not felt in Siberia: there are no round dances, there is no Russian dance, there is no Russian dialect, you can’t even hear the scolding, that scolding, which, I was convinced, will go with a Russian person through all sorts of Urals” Elpatyevsky S. Ya . Essays on Siberia. SPb., 1897. S. 27. .
The everyday way of life of the townspeople was largely determined by social affiliation. In the towns, social life was even more difficult and contrasting than in the countryside, with each group of townspeople occupying its own special place. Urban dwellers belonging to separate social groups were included, as it were, in various public spheres, differing in the nature of common affairs, and in the distribution of certain types of leisure and entertainment, and in the ratio of the collective and individual principles in them.
At the same time, as historians have already noted, “the internal dynamics of social life gravitated in most cities of Western Siberia towards unity public life and leisure of the tops of the commercial and industrial population and officials.
There was also the specificity of individual cities, which was explained by the peculiarities of the composition of the population, geographical location, and the level of economic and cultural development. For example, in Barnaul, the center of the mining district, there was “a large society of intelligent and noble mining engineers, scientific doctors, professional technicians, people all developed, with artistic taste, who lived in an elegant rich environment, openly. Extensively, who knew how to spend their free time funny, noisy, but always noble. Unlike Barnaul, in the middle of the 19th century, Tomsk was "a city predominantly of merchants, of all kinds and boring in manners and customs."
Another provincial city of Western Siberia, Tobolsk, was in decline in the post-reform period, which could not but affect the sphere of leisure and entertainment: the number of circles, differing from each other in upbringing, education and social status, nevertheless passes the time monotonously from day to day, to tell the truth, it cannot be otherwise. Remote from the capitals, the main road, as well as from commercial and industrial centers, Tobolsk cannot deliver to its inhabitants those mental activities and those aesthetic pleasures that the inhabitants of other provincial cities of inner Russia enjoy. As a result, the horizons of the Tobolyaks, as well as their aspirations, are quite limited. Employees, as well as businessmen, spend every day doing their jobs, and evenings with their families or in a public club, which, however, is visited by few.
Trade, merchant Tyumen, in which there was not quite enough intelligentsia, had its own distinctive features. “The Tyumen money aristocracy occupies the most fundamental position in the town and, by its influence, dominates. She wears an Old Believer trace and is afraid of secular life. In Tyumen, there are not enough balls, evenings, not counting home parties. Life is closed and deaf, family. Only the fathers of families enjoy complete freedom, coming together for games and revels, while families practically do not get entertainment. Therefore, meetings have the character of an unmarried company; It's mostly a card game here.
Omsk was presented as the most cultured. “Thanks to the stay of the Steppe Governor-General, many officials and military men live here, and life in the town is not boring. An orchestra plays in city squares twice a week Cossack army; the dramatic society arranges performances in the club; musical concerts, even the construction of the arena is adapted for the theater. In addition, prize races are arranged outside the city, and in general there is no shortage of entertainment.
Leisure activities in small Siberian towns were less varied than in large centers. So for example about small town The exile responded to Yalutorovsk. “It seemed to me that there had never been anything alive in this ‘city’, that for centuries not a single event that had happened in Russia had touched this deaf place in any way.”
Despite some individualities of various cities of the vast region, Siberians' leisure culture had a lot in common. Sources testify that during the 19th and early 20th centuries, one of the most common types of leisure was visiting. Guest receptions were held on all traditional holidays - family, church, state. In the homes of wealthy merchants, the top officials also convened guests on the occasion of the arrival of important officials, recognizable travelers, scientists, or in honor of any other outstanding events: receiving another rank, honorary title, awarding an order, a successful transaction, etc.
For a long time, the Siberian townspeople were true to the old traditions in spending their leisure time and in entertainment. V.P. Boyko writes about the joys of Tomsk merchants at the end of the 19th century. “At their core, they were deeply popular and took the form of gambling competitions, demonstrations own strength and youth. In addition to cold calculation, in commerce it was necessary to have courage, often take risky decisions, be able to stand up for oneself not only in front of a stern official, but also in front of dashing people on the ground. high road. Therefore, the merchants were adherents, connoisseurs, and even accomplices of valiant amusements: fisticuffs, martial arts, weight lifting, horse racing, etc. Sports excitement was, as it were, a continuation of commercial excitement.
For a long time, fistfights were probably the most famous pastime of the townspeople. The tradition of fisticuffs in Tyumen was steadfast. “With the mass of artisans and workers, the town has still retained a feature that has practically disappeared in the large factory areas of European Russia - fisticuffs. From autumn to Christmas, on Sundays, fisticuffs take place in two parts of the city at the same time, while the fighters are divided into areas of the town or streets. The customs of combat are the same as everywhere in which place he remained or existed. The battle starts with the lighter kids and ends with the adults. Most of the duels involved artisans, however, there are few workers from factories. Before, even not so long ago, merchant children tried their strength in battles. Now neither merchants nor clerks take part in the battles. They are drawn to lighter entertainment, although almost also unprofitable for health - buffet. There are no fisticuffs in the summer. They are replaced by wrestling."
In spring and summer, on Sundays or holidays, the favorite entertainment of Siberians was outdoor festivities. Families went out for walks traditionally. On free days, after having lunch and resting, the townspeople in smart clothes went out into the street and walked with their acquaintances through the most crowded places. In more lively places of festivities, a brass band played, and there were various entertainments (billiards, bowling alley), a buffet worked.
Some townspeople preferred to relax on the water. Ride in boats, splash around: “In the summer, on holidays, from time to time we sailed in a boat on the Tura River, in the form of a walk. It happened that a bunch of songbooks would gather, and we, sitting in a boat during the voyage, sang songs, then we would take a samovar, tea utensils with us and sail out of town, somewhere on the bank with a clearing, where we had a tea party. Childish amusements were varied. THEM. Maisky, whose childhood was spent in Omsk, mentioned: “Naturally, the games were not forgotten either. At one time I was very fond of playing money, I made “liquors” myself and shamelessly “gypsy”, exchanging money and liquor with the boys of our street. Later, I lost interest in grandmas, but with great passion I began to play "thieves" and "robbers". Together with a few of the same idlers like me, I made raids on the surrounding melons and vegetable gardens. Of course, wealthy citizens had more opportunities to use their free time (as well as its very amount). Typical community center In this part of the townspeople were various meetings and clubs that appeared almost everywhere in the 1860-1880s, where balls, masquerades, performances, evenings and so on were held. In addition, visiting actors were at their service. So, for example, only the city of Tomsk spent on seasonal pleasures, theaters, circuses and other entertainment shows from 40 to 50 thousand rubles a year, for which, for example, “one could buy a library of 60-70 thousand volumes various titles and writings." In the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries, significant changes took place in the festive culture of the townspeople. A number of new public secular events arose, which testified to the expansion of the public sphere and the formation of a new urban way of life.
At this time, new types of entertainment appear - circus, cinema, theater develops. Cinematography quickly became a habit of Siberian citizens. Movie shows were given in public clubs, people's houses. In almost all cities, special "electrotheatres" were opened to show films. For example, in Barnaul, the very first cinematograph was opened by the merchant Lebzina on Pushkinskaya Street, close to the passage of the merchant Smirnov. And since 1910, Pushkinskaya Street in Barnaul was allowed to be called the "street of cinematographers", which had catchy names: "Illusion", "Triumph", "Cascade". The cinemas Zarya (1910-1911), Meteor (1908-1910), Searchlight (1914), Globus (1917) worked in Tomsk. There was no shortage of spectators, a new type of entertainment attracted wide sections of the urban population: servants, artisans, students, intellectuals, etc.
Thus, during the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries, significant changes took place in the forms of leisure, family and public entertainment of Siberian citizens. At the same time, public forms of leisure were subjected to modernization to a greater extent, the role of which in the life of all segments of the urban population increased over time. New holidays and entertainment, which became part of urban life, testified to the further socio-cultural development of the region and provided the townspeople with much more opportunities for communication and cultural recreation. New forms of leisure activities were a sign of the ongoing transformation of traditional culture and the further formation of an urban lifestyle.
The study of value orientations, life priorities of today's youth is very important, since it makes it possible to find out the degree of its adaptation to new social conditions and innovative potential. The processes that capture the value consciousness of young people are of particular importance, because they represent the near future of these societies.
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Volobueva, Larisa Nikolaevna
Academic degree:
PhD in Philosophy
Place of defense of the dissertation:
VAK specialty code:
Speciality:
Theory and history of culture
Number of pages:
Chapter I. THE ESSENCE OF LEISURE AS A UNIVERSAL OF CULTURE
§ 1. The problem of time in philosophy and culture.
§2. Leisure as a form of social time.
Chapter I. LEISURE AND LIFESTYLE
§1. Leisure as a condition for the formation of a healthy lifestyle.
§2. Cultural and meaningful aspects of the concept " healthy lifestyle».
Introduction to the thesis (part of the abstract) On the topic "Leisure in the structure of lifestyle: Philosophical and cultural aspects"
The relevance of research. Solving the problems of its survival and development, each society orients its constituent individuals towards the implementation of certain activities, the effectiveness of which is the main condition for solving these problems. This activity is a concrete expression of the culture of a given society, its procedural content, which is determined by the values of culture and the possibilities for their implementation. The transitional situation in society that we are experiencing today is characterized by a change in values and value orientations, ^ in the system of which the dependent attitudes of the individual, relying primarily on external support" from the state, are replaced by the attitude towards one's own activity as the main condition for success. Concern for efficiency, fruitfulness of one's own activity, as well as one's own intellectual and cultural development, becomes for the individual the most important moral motive for individual self-realization.
The process of this self-realization is carried out in space and time, and it is time that is the decisive factor in this action. "III A concrete understanding of this factor requires an understanding of the objective circumstance that historically there have been significant differences between a) working time, which, as a rule, limits the content of an individual's activity to a professional framework, b) free time (recreation), i.e. rest, and c ) leisure time, in principle, devoted to the versatile social and cultural self-development of the individual.
It would seem that at the present stage of history, there are much more opportunities for such development than before for many people, due to the fact that technological progress has made it possible to reduce the share of professional employment in their lifestyle and increase the share of free time and leisure.
However, in reality, it turns out that these potential leisure opportunities often remain unused due to the fact that many people, instead of activities that contribute to their socio-cultural growth, choose pastimes that hinder this growth, prefer base crafts of mass culture that do not require active involvement in genuine cultural values. from their consumers neither intellectual tension nor moral intelligibility. The leisure of these people turns out to be filled with primitive entertainment, dangerously close to deviant behavior: gambling, alcohol and drug consumption, meaningless "parties", where the demonstration of one's own image replaces normal human communication. As a result, a way of life is formed, that is, a set of forms of activity and behavior that does not meet the criteria of either physical or spiritual health, does not correspond not only to the harmonious development of the personality, but even to passive rest. Such a way of life is formed under the influence of external circumstances, a radical change in the economic and socio-cultural foundations of the life of a modern Russian, as well as the loss of a coherent and effective cultural policy on the part of the state. Its state today is largely determined by the commercialization of cultural institutions, the change in the cultural and educational nature of their activities to entertainment. One can hope that all this has a temporary nature of the transitional stage, but it is difficult to imagine how long it will last.
The immediate relevance of the study is related to the search for ways out of the contradiction that has developed between the idea of leisure, dictated by the ideal theory of the structure of the lifestyle, and the observed substitution of processes sociocultural development people with base forms of their entertainment, a departure from solving the problems of socio-cultural improvement of the population's lifestyle.
The degree of development of the topic. An analysis of the literature allows us to state that there are a significant number of scientific publications devoted to the problems of leisure and the way of life of people.
The beginning of understanding these problems goes back to the writings of thinkers of the ancient world and the Middle Ages, such as Hesiod, Homer, Plato, Aristotle, Seneca, Cicero, Augustine the Blessed, and others. The theoretical development of the problems of free time and the nature of the activity that fills it was continued in the Renaissance in Italian and German humanists, in the utopian writings of Tommaso Campanella, Thomas More. Various aspects of this problem were reflected in modern times and in subsequent centuries by many philosophers. During the Enlightenment, Voltaire, Turgot, Condorcet, Rousseau paid attention to them, later - Kant, Fichte, Schelling, Hegel, Marx, Schiller, Dilthey and others. In Russia, NL Danilevsky, P.A. Florensky, N. A. Berdyaev, S.L. Frank, A.F. Losev and others.
The problems of leisure and its use were of interest not only to philosophers, but also to representatives of other sciences - psychologists, sociologists, and ethnologists. Of the Western authors, first of all, F. Boas, M. and
A.Weberov, T.Veblen, E.Durkheim, J.R.Dumazdier, M.Simmel, A.Mol, ^ Z.Freud, E.Fromm; from domestic scientists - N.M. Amosova, V.M. Bekhtereva,
P.M. Bitsilli, I.P. Pavlov, I.M. Sechenov, A.A. Ukhtomsky, B.A. Grushin, L.A. Gordon, V.D. Patrushev, G.A. N. Pimenov, S. G. Strumilin and others.
Leisure in the life of various segments of the population of Russia has become the subject of research by many modern domestic philosophers of culture and culturologists - A.I. Arnoldov, A.V. Akhutin, L.N. Bueva, V.E. Davidovich, Yu.A. I.Ibragimov, S.N.Ikonnikova, M.S.Kagan, A.S.Kargin, T.G.Kiseleva, L.N.Kogan, I.K.Kuchmaeva, Yu.M.Lotman, V.M. Mezhueva,
V.V. Mironov, V.S. Sadovskaya, E.V. Sokolova, A.S. Streltsova, Yu. N. Yaroshenko and others.
A special look at leisure as part of a way of life belongs to social and cultural anthropology: the Frankfurt School (T. Adorno, G. Marcuse, J. Habermas, M. Horkheimer); Harvard School (S. Gouldner, R.K. Merton, T. Parsons, E. Shils, D. Heppens) and domestic representatives of this direction: I. G. Ionin, E. S. Markaryan, E. A. Orlova, Yu .M. Reznik, A.Ya. Flier.
In the works of the listed authors, certain separate angles, sides, aspects of leisure were singled out, and the predominance of a one-sided approach to this phenomenon, due to the belonging of each author to a particular science, was also partly affected. Philosophical understanding of leisure broke away from its study at the level of direct social forms of implementation. To all appearances, none of the named authors tried to form a holistic view of the essence, content, and functions of leisure, interpreting it as a comparatively minor form of human social activity. In our dissertation, we tried to give this idea.
The object of research is a way of life as a set of socially and culturally determined forms of life.
The subject of the study is leisure as a sphere of socio-cultural self-development of the individual in the structure of her lifestyle.
Purpose and objectives of the study. The aim of the study is to determine the ways of transforming traditional forms of leisure that have lost their social relevance into a factor in the formation of a healthy lifestyle in the new social realities.
In accordance with this goal, the following research tasks have been set:
Analyze the history of the philosophical understanding of time as a universal form of existence of the world and consider the structure of social time, defining the functions of its components - working and free time, as well as leisure;
To trace the trend of enrichment of the content of the concept of "way of life" and its transformation from a socio-economic into a socio-cultural category;
To reveal the dialectic of interaction between the individual and the socio-cultural environment in the process of forming a way of life and determine the conditions that provide support for the positive trends of this process;
To reveal the content of leisure as a private form of realization of culture in its personal and objective expressions;
Identify and systematize the components of the content of the category " healthy lifestyle» and determine the leisure component of the process of forming a healthy lifestyle.
The methodological basis of the study was the philosophical principle of ascent from the abstract to the concrete in the study of cognizable objects and a systematic approach that requires their consideration as complexes, the elements of which are in an organic relationship and interdependence from each other. The consideration of leisure as a form of realization of the cultural potential of a person is based in this case on the dialogical interpretation of culture by M.M. Bakhtin. When analyzing leisure as an element of a way of life, we relied primarily on the structural-functional methodology, the tradition of the Harvard School of Social Anthropology and its domestic followers.
The research methods used were genetic analysis, comparative analysis, content analysis, structural analysis, factor analysis and other analytical techniques adopted in modern social sciences.
The hypothesis of the study is that leisure as part of social time is the most open phase for the initiative assimilation of new socio-cultural knowledge by a person (its independent education), which, through a targeted cultural policy, can be turned into a socio-cultural basis for the general improvement of people's lifestyle.
The theoretical significance of the results of the study lies in the fact that, in general, it confirmed the realism of the hypothesis put forward by arguments based on the study of the essence of leisure, its manifestations at various stages of the development of society, as well as the significant role of leisure in shaping the lifestyle of modern people.
Among the elements of scientific novelty of the research work carried out are the following:
Two aspects of the consideration of time in the philosophy of culture are revealed: metaphysical (“ time in culture”) and cultural and historical (“ culture in time"). Modern research is characterized by the concretization of the idea of the types of time in a systematic approach, including how " social being" or " social time»;
An approach to understanding free time as a measure of human activity is substantiated, concretizing, in relation to the life of society, the position on time as a measure of movement; the interpretation of leisure as a sphere of cultural functioning of the individual in dynamics is proposed social processes in the absence of external goal setting;
A philosophical and culturologically justified idea of leisure as a category expressing the measure and nature of the initiative cultural self-development of the individual is defined;
The content of leisure as one of the important forms of personality inculturation is revealed;
The place of leisure in the way of life of a person as a way of socio-cultural development of the individual and society in a particular cultural space is substantiated;
The process of understanding the relationship between leisure and lifestyle at the everyday and scientific levels is analyzed;
The functional and cultural directions of harmonization of the physical and spiritual components of the individual in a healthy lifestyle (cultural-integrative, creative-communicative and recreational) are determined.
Provisions for defense:
1. Social time not only preserves the universal meaning of time as a measure of a certain process (activity as a social form of movement), its duration, but is also recognized as a "sphere" in which this process unfolds; Thus, in the consciousness of the subject of activity, its form, as it were, is separated from the content and acquires relative independence. This must be borne in mind when using the concepts of " working time", " free time" and " leisure".
2. The division of social time into constituent elements is based on the biological need of a person for life support (work time), recreation (rest, free time) and saturation of his intellectual and emotional sphere with new socially and culturally significant information (leisure).
3. As the processes of urbanization, universal literacy and the parallel development of the media system developed, most of humanity increasingly needed to expand the cultural content of their leisure time.
4. In the mass everyday consciousness, leisure is often understood as a synonym for free time. It is more correct, in our opinion, to consider it as a specific phase of initiative socio-cultural self-development, and free time as a phase of recreation. In any case, it is precisely this interpretation that requires a cultural approach to understanding leisure.
5. The culturological interpretation of leisure as a system of free initiative self-enlightenment, additional knowledge of the world (in excess of the mandatory educational standard) makes it possible to introduce leisure into the categorical apparatus of the way of life as one of its main components.
6. Leisure is the more important factor in structuring the lifestyle of an individual, the narrower and more monotonous the range of activities that fill his working time. For people in such creative professions as scientists and artists, leisure consists of absorbing culturally meaningful information that goes beyond immediate professional needs.
7. The development of human civilization creates more and more opportunities for self-improvement of the individual, including through meaningful leisure and the formation of a healthy lifestyle. However, the realization of these opportunities is not carried out automatically, it depends on specific economic and socio-political conditions that can both promote these opportunities and counteract them. Therefore, an urgent task is to optimize the conditions for the formation of a healthy lifestyle and culturally meaningful leisure for all members of society. The educational system and cultural policy of the state are called upon to play a decisive role in the implementation of these tasks.
The practical significance of the study.
The theoretical content of the dissertation can be used in the development of training courses in such disciplines as cultural studies, sociology of culture, valueology, theory and history of leisure. The trends identified in the dissertation can be useful in organizing work on the formation of the cultural and educational policy of the state, aimed at creating a healthy lifestyle for the population.
Approbation of work.
1. The main provisions and results of the study were tested at the interuniversity scientific and practical conference of young scientists " Man in the world of spiritual culture", MGUKI, 1999; scientific conference dedicated to the 35th anniversary of the Department of Theory of Culture, Ethics and Aesthetics " Modern culture: problems and searches", MGUKI, 1999; international scientific-practical conference “XXI century: spiritual, moral and social health of a person”, MGUKI, 2001; international scientific conference "Paradigms of the 21st century: Information society, information worldview, information culture", Krasnodar GUKI, 2002; international scientific conference "Culture and education in the information society", Krasnodar GUKI, 2003.
2. Materials and results of the study are reflected in the author's publications
1. Leisure and healthy lifestyle // Philosophy. The science. Culture. Issue. 1. - M.: Ed. Moscow State University Lomonosov, 2004. - S. 159-168.
2. Time: philosophical aspects of the views of ancient and medieval thinkers // Information civilization: modern problems (Materials " round table"). 4.1 - M.: MGUKI, 2004. - S. 31-40.
3. Bifunctional nature of art // Culture and education in the information society. Materials of the international scientific conference. - Krasnodar, 2003. - S. 140-142.
4. Information activity as a form of human development and recreation by means of art // Paradigms of the 21st century: Information society, information worldview, information culture. Materials of the international scientific conference. - Krasnodar, 2002. - S. 141-143.
5. Healthy lifestyle: theoretical aspect // XXI century: spiritual, moral and social health of a person. Abstracts of the international scientific-practical conference. - M.: MGUKI, 2001. - P.80.
6. Healthy lifestyle as the most important state task // Man in the world of spiritual culture. Abstracts of the interuniversity scientific-practical conference of young scientists. - M.: MGUKI, 1999. - S.54-55.
7. Leisure and culture: modern problems // Modern culture: problems and searches. Collection of abstracts of the scientific conference dedicated to the 35th anniversary of the Department of Theory of Culture, Ethics and Aesthetics of Moscow State University of Culture and Arts. - M.: MGUK, 1999. -S.92-93.
3. The dissertation was discussed at the Moscow State University of Culture and Arts at the Department of Theory of Culture, Ethics and Aesthetics on October 6, 2004.
Dissertation conclusion on the topic "Theory and history of culture", Volobueva, Larisa Nikolaevna
CONCLUSION
The functioning and development of society at all times was determined by the effectiveness of the activities of its constituent individuals. The higher it rose, the richer became the treasury of culture, the more civilized forms of social organization, the higher the pace historical process. This was achieved not automatically, but in the conditions of overcoming the contradictions between the subject of socio-cultural life - the individual and the system. social groups and institutions, connections and relations - by society. Its pressure on its constituent individuals was not and does not remain the same today, it differs in accordance with the degree of differentiation of society, the division of individuals into groups occupying different positions, having different social status, different rights, different opportunities for life. Among the factors that create these differences, one of the most important is time - the ratio in the life of each individual between the two components of its temporal form - working and free time.
It is customary to call the working time of a person's existence that part of it that he devotes to the fulfillment of professional labor duties set by society, the volume and content of which for each are determined by his place in the system of social division of labor. For the majority of the population, this place was determined by the attachment to its representatives of physical labor, the functional content of which was combined as specialized machines were introduced into production and the corresponding specialization of professions or the narrowly specialized simple mental labor of small employees. The opportunity to go beyond the monotonous, tedious and monotonous labor functions performed during working hours appeared for all these people only in their free time. However, its value was small in conditions when working time reached 10 or more hours, and hours were added to them, which must be devoted to household duties. The struggle to reduce working hours has become one of the main tasks of the class struggle of the working people against exploitation. She has not been unsuccessful. Technical progress allowed to reduce the rate of operation, reducing the length of the working day. In addition, the time for performing household duties has decreased due to the development of public forms of consumer services. As a result, the amount of free time of the working people has increased significantly, becoming comparable with the amount of working time, and often even exceeding it. Significantly increased opportunities for free life, the choice of a variety of, delivering moral satisfaction and contributing to the diversified development of occupations. However, in reality this did not work out: the opportunities that arose turned out to be unrealized, the free time of most people is filled with activities that by no means deserve approval. Therefore, the problem of leisure has become acute - the content, the cultural value of non-working time.
The theoretical understanding of this problem is carried out in the dissertation on the basis of a multi-level complex of knowledge, covering the philosophical, social and cultural aspects of ideas about free time and leisure. The historical evolution of these ideas is analyzed, which made it possible to identify the valuable that has developed in them to date, and to formulate definitions of free time and leisure. The analysis showed that in primitive society there was no functional division of time into work and free due to the underdevelopment of activity differentiation. In ancient society, divided into slaves and free citizens, free time became the privilege of the latter. Leisure entered their lives as an organic element and was perceived as time devoted not to doing nothing and not to passive rest, but to creative pursuits that ensure spiritual perfection. Such an understanding of leisure has become traditional, although the very content of spiritual development received different interpretations: in the Middle Ages - religious and mystical, in the Renaissance - elitist and humanistic, in modern times - educational, focused on relatively broad sections of the population and overcoming the alienation that restrains their spiritual growth. . Nowadays, this tradition has been further developed, in the conceptual understanding of leisure as a part of free time, the following options have been outlined:
Epistemological - leisure and free time are considered as identical concepts, the semantic, structural and functional components of leisure and the conditions for its development are studied;
Sociological - leisure is considered as a synonym for free time, as a sphere in which any activity related to the self-determination of the individual is possible, as a set of certain elements that are opposite to work and define leisure activities as " free and voluntary, providing an opportunity for creativity"(M. Weber), and D. Morkovich designates as a" product rational organization life, determined by both economic, technical, and biological factors. In an industrialized society, free time is a periodically appearing phase of both the life of an individual and large and small social groups ”
Social - free time as a reflection and expression of social reality, corresponding to certain socio-economic and political foundations of a particular society, and as a condition for cultural and historical progress. This interpretation was proposed by K. Marx, dominated Soviet science, was based on numerous studies of the time budget, while leisure was considered as an integral part of free time: “Some researchers consider leisure to be simply time not busy with work, that is, free time, including entertainment, personal activities, hobbies, etc. Others are what society presents as leisure; in other words, leisure is the social organization of free time precisely in the form of leisure, leisure services. Leisure is an occupation in free time, as a special need and value. It is carried out in a special cultural form (traditional or new), as well as in space and time " 2; - hedonistic - leisure as eudemonistic motive and goal of being. Such an idea is most typical for such Western thinkers as S. De Grasia and J. Pieper, who consider leisure as contemplation, pleasure; and B. Russell: “Leisure is the way to happiness and joy”;
Recreational - leisure as a means and tool of rehabilitation, as the focus of life quality priorities. In this regard, we can note the theory of T. Veblen about the relationship between wealth and leisure, D. Riesman - about the social status of leisure, R. Smith - about leisure as a means of influencing the mental structure of a person, V. Zloreshchenko - about the relationship between stress and the functional basis of leisure;
1 Morkovich D.Zh. Social ecology. - M., 1996. - P.472-473.
2 Panova S.G., Rozin V.M. Social design in the field of culture // Collection of scientific works of the Research Institute of Culture. -M., 1990.- P.31.
Cultural and personal - leisure as a part of free time, focused on conscious cultural creativity, expressing the highest form of self-realization of the individual.
The last of these options puts the task of maximizing the realization of human potential on the basis of the purposeful formation of a healthy lifestyle by each individual into the spotlight. The dissertation shows how the concept of lifestyle has historically evolved, what role the humanities, in particular philosophical anthropology and valueology, played in this. The main thing that was revealed in the process of formation and development of these sciences is the need for a systematic approach that requires harmoniously linking the physical, psychological and spiritual aspects of health.
The art of self-preservation, that is, the ability to manage one's thoughts, feelings and actions as a single complex in various social and value orientations, the search for ways of self-sufficiency healthy life man owns since ancient times. Protovaleological the knowledge enshrined in medical instructions, religious canons, folk traditions, purified from a thousand-year-old mystical raid, reveals the results of the mental work of observers and systematizers of the features of human nature on the basis of natural-philosophical syntheses that reveal the system for the formation of a person's health. Ideas about this system deepened modern natural science in alliance with the sciences that study spiritual culture. Thanks to this, today valeological thinking becomes the basis for the emerging integrative paradigm about the integrity of man - as the embodiment of the unity of the external and internal worlds, the unity of spiritual and bodily being. The implementation of the attitudes of this thinking, concretized by cultural studies, requires the development of a practical technology for using leisure to form a healthy lifestyle.
This involves improving the ways and means of activating the activity of the individual at three levels of his functioning in the field of leisure:
Cultural and educational, manifested in the field of leisure as an independent organization of self-education and self-education, in the process of which a person acquires the skills and abilities necessary for a particular leisure activity. You can limit this level to functional implementation in a narrower area - a specific replenishment of knowledge in the chosen area;
Creative and communicative, manifested in the creation of new cultural property in the process of self-realization, allowing to embody the potential of the individual in creative activity. The function of self-realization cannot be considered without taking into account the cultural intentions and psychological makeup of the individual, so it is necessary to focus on the direction of leisure activities for humane, socially useful goals;
Recreational, which manifests itself as a culture of physical and mental relaxation and rehabilitation of a person, including the norms and forms of gaming and intellectual leisure accepted in the cultural space, regulating the admissibility and preference of one or another of its methods.
The unity of all three levels makes it possible to subordinate the process of leisure activities to the tasks of the harmonious development of the individual and the formation of a healthy lifestyle in her.
Naturally, this process is not something external to the individual, she acts as its subject, she herself forms her own way of life. But it does not follow from this that this activity is not subject to the influence of the socio-cultural environment. It can contribute to the achievement of the goals that a person sets for himself, but it can also oppose it. In the conditions of the transitional period in which Russia is today, the state of the socio-cultural environment is characterized by the presence of acute contradictions and factors that negatively affect the psychology of people, their consciousness and behavior. A very significant factor in the complex of these factors is the commercialization of culture, which reveals itself both in the mass press, and in radio and, especially, television programs, and in the content of the activities of cultural and leisure institutions, which often do not meet the criteria of morality and social benefit. To counteract factors that negatively affect the way of life of members of society is an urgent task of the state, its cultural policy. In its content should take important place activities aimed at improving the lifestyle of the population. The tasks of all parts of the education system should include not only general education and vocational training, but also the formation of skills for the rational use of leisure. What used to be called " extracurricular work”, should become a necessary component of the activities of all educational institutions. In the content of this activity, the functions of developing the ability of students to save their time, appreciate its leisure time, skillfully use it to improve their lifestyle and their personal qualities should take a worthy place.
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Kuznetsova I.V.
Out-of-work time is always associated with the sphere of privacy, with elements of freedom and lack of control. But the normalizing interference of the authorities can be traced here as well. After all, the volume, structure and content of leisure are indicators of the cultural orientation of the population, in many ways affect its mental representations and behavioral responses. It is no coincidence that in industrial societies the question arose of regulating leisure in an indirect, but quite civilized way - through legislation on the length of the working day. The same attempt was made by the Bolsheviks.
In the 1920s, a society emerging from two wars was in dire need of physical and spiritual rest. However, the changed conditions have led to a significant transformation of ideas about rest and leisure. One of the main trends in changing these ideas has become a collective form of recreation and leisure. After all, the mass nature of events contributed to the ritualization public consciousness. The population could attend evenings of questions and answers, musical concerts, exhibitions and performances, sections and circles, and spend an evening in a recreation park. Public lectures on various topics, visits to reading huts and people's houses were widely used. At the same time, the rest and leisure of various social groups differed significantly: "restaurant" rest for NEPmen, commercial cinemas with a wide repertoire of foreign films for the townsfolk, workers' and peasants' clubs for the broad masses of the people.
The pre-revolutionary tradition of artistic or scientific “Wednesdays”, “Thursdays”, etc., half-forgotten, but still not disappearing during the years of the Civil War, was revived. The reports on them were very diverse - on literary, philosophical and theological topics.
Music and dancing were frequent elements of guest communication. Attempts to introduce new politicized dances, for example, the dance "For the Power of the Soviets" to the music of the song "Be brave, comrades, in step", were not successful. In early July 1924, the Glavrepertkom sent out a secret circular banning the performance of foxtrot, shimmy, two-step and other offspring of the “Western European restaurant” at dance parties and as pop numbers, representing “a parlor imitation of sexual intercourse and all kinds of physiological perversions.” By the end of the 1920s. state intervention in the sphere of leisure intensified. Attendance at literary and other conversations was reduced, and purely related communication was also reduced. The deterioration of the food situation, the introduction of the rationing system did not contribute to frequent meetings at the table.
A characteristic cell of communication for the city was the city yard. There was autonomy of the yard. Each yard belonged only to those who live in this house. The janitor had the right to drive out any stranger from the yard if he seemed suspicious to him. It had its own laws, here they played rounders and other games. The city authorities did not approve of the activities of itinerant musicians and singers, gypsies as bitch bears, and tried to fight them. But, judging by the memoirs, songs and music under the windows continued to sound even later, until the 1930s.
On weekends, thousands and tens of thousands of citizens who do not want to stay at home rushed to museums, gardens and parks. The zoo was very popular. Interest in museums was also great. For the first time in the years of the NEP, their number began to grow rapidly. Collective excursions prevailed, which was convenient from an organized and technical point of view, as well as from a political and educational point of view.
Country trips and walks were not always aimed at improving one's cultural level. Leaving the city on weekends or holidays just to relax in nature, swim and sunbathe in the summer, go skiing in the winter, has become a characteristic feature of most city dwellers since the 1920s. With the transition to the NEP, dacha life began to gradually revive. In the 1920s summer residents were mainly employees and the intelligentsia. There were practically no workers among summer residents.
The streets, squares, squares and gardens of the city often turned into platforms and stages on which fascinating performances unfolded. During the 1920s religious holidays were systematically removed from the calendar, which were officially called not even holidays, but days of rest. In 1930, all religious holidays, including Easter, which invariably falls on Sunday, that is, the official day of rest, were excluded from the Soviet calendar. In 1930, the country switched to a 5-day working week, when after 4 working days there was a day of rest. The direction of the holidays has become one-sided: January 22 - International Day; January 22 - V.I. Lenin and January 9, 1905; May 1 and 2 - International Days; November 7 and 8 - Days of the October Revolution.
In an effort to get rid of religious holidays, the authorities tried to resurrect festivities. “Show booths, rides, swings, choirs, accordionists and harpists, horn players and buffoons, parsleys and acrobats,” the inscriptions on numerous posters pasted all over the city seduced passers-by. Visitors could admire the ritual of a Russian folk wedding, listen to a brass band play, practice shooting at a target and throwing rings, and test their strength on a spring dynamometer.
Various forms of street processions are also an element of leisure, moreover, they are filled with a certain content. All employees and workers were forced to participate in demonstrations under pain of dismissal from service. Moreover, at the service, leaflets were opened, in which everyone had to sign personally. Whose signature is not found, he was declared a counter-revolutionary in advance.
The invention of the Lumiere brothers markedly changed the proportions in the distribution of free time for all mankind. Of course, at first cinema was part of the life of urban residents, and above all, in large cities. At the beginning of the NEP, the still weak state cinema had to face competition from private cinema, which had a significant advantage - knowledge of the specifics of cinema, in the struggle for the audience. The box office was dominated by pre-revolutionary, both Russian and foreign films. For the most part, these were pictures of an adventure character or melodrama, as well as comedies. Of the films of 1924, the following can be mentioned: "The Talmud and Love", "Napoleon's Courier", "Random Husband", "Black Envelope", "The Tragedy of a Woman", "Ostap Bandura", "Red Partisans", and many others. A survey of Leningrad boys and girls conducted in 1925 showed that more than 60% of those who visited cinemas rated cinema only as entertainment. They were indifferent to the ideological content of the paintings.
In the life of a pre-revolutionary urban dweller, the theater occupied a different place than cinema. Due to established traditions, the theater was less democratic than the cinema, and it was visited mainly by the "privileged audience", employees, students. He was not popular among the workers.
A survey of working-class families in Petrograd in December 1922 showed that 31% of the respondents attend cinema and theater. There is no doubt that the popularity of cinema was still higher. The heyday of private theaters falls on 1923, when they accounted for almost a third of all theatrical groups in the country. But even then the government took the first steps to destroy them. The productions were criticized in the press, and the repertoire committee was given the right to ban works “obviously directed against the Soviet regime and discrediting the Soviet regime ... to ensure that the repertoire does not contain explicit pornography or explicit sexual moments.
Theater tickets were expensive. But that wasn't the only problem. In large cities, theaters were located in the center of the city, and it was difficult for the outlying population, mostly workers, to visit them in the evening. Therefore, theaters began to organize morning performances, as well as traveling performances. Without state support, most theaters simply could not survive. Assistance was provided in various ways: tax cuts and the introduction of benefits, lump sums and permanent state subsidies. In the mid 1920s. the first "socialist plays" appeared; some of them are “Armored Train 14-69” by V.V. Ivanov, "Calm" V.N. Bill-Belotserkovsky.
Among the various forms of filling free time, reading books occupied not the last place due to its great availability. The number of mass libraries grew. Their funds were formed in different ways, so thematically they were quite colorful, and often most of the books were literature published before the revolution. Private libraries have also survived. What did they read? Polls and surveys gave different answers. Young Komsomol activists and ordinary Komsomol members were interested in socio-political literature. The works of Lenin, an abridged version of the book by J. Reed "Ten days that shook the world", "The ABC of the Revolution" by N.I. Bukharin and E.A. Preobrazhensky, popular atheistic literature - these and similar books were in demand among them. Factory workers were more fond of Potapenko, Dostoevsky, Gorky, so that with sad ends. In 1923, the Petrograd Provincial Committee of the Komsomol reported that young people read with pleasure the works of Pushkin, Gogol and Turgenev, J. London and E. Sinclair. Girls preferred to read sentimental stories, and young men preferred old adventurous novels. Prohibited for publication for ideological reasons, as a rule, 1-3% of books and brochures. General control over literature leaving and importing into Russia by the mid-1920s. it was not possible to achieve, therefore, books that were not always convenient for the authorities also came across on sale.
Thus, after the civil war, the daily rest of the inhabitants of the cities began to undergo changes. There is a clear trend towards the transition from individual to collective recreation. At the choice of citizens, walks in parks, visits to circles and sections, exhibitions and performances, as well as attendance at public lectures are provided. Interest in them was also due to low cost. Reading books was another leisure activity, and the popularity of books was earned by the constant growth of public libraries across the country. There were also forms of spending free time that were not available to the citizens of Soviet Russia, for example, the theater. This is due to the high cost of tickets and the location of theaters only in the center of cities. In order to prevent the closure of theaters, the state was forced to constantly subsidize their work.
