The Ossetians, along with a significant socio-political development, managed to maintain quite strong patriarchal and tribal ties, traditions and customs of their ancestors. One of the most interesting and significant components of these traditions is the Ossetian table etiquette, with many of its “can-not”, “accepted-not accepted”. Moreover, traditions may vary somewhat depending on the gorge origin of a given community, and sometimes even between neighboring villages. But they have one basis, rooted in the depths of centuries, revealing the character and inner world ancient people.
Below we will try to describe the generalized rules and norms of the Ossetian feast. We hope that they will be read with interest not only by Ossetians, but also by representatives of other peoples who are not indifferent to the history and culture of the Sarmatians - Alans - Ossetians.
The traditional feast has never been for Ossetians only a place for eating, drinking and socializing. It is closely connected with their faith, way of life and norms of social behavior. For someone who has not previously encountered Ossetian table etiquette, the presence of many unwritten rules and restrictions that Ossetians still adhere to at the official table may seem unusually strange and overly strict. But for the Ossetian, these norms are part of his being and worldview, part of his spiritual and moral heritage.
Since the official religions were established in Ossetia relatively recently, it was at the table that Ossetians most often prayed to God and patron saints. Hence the place of the feast "Fyng" (literally - "table") was also, as it were, a holy place, behind which liberties or unworthy behavior were not allowed. Once upon a time, the now deceased, well-known in the country Ossetian theater and film actor Bibo Vataev (ruhsag uad), sitting for the elder, instructed us young people:
“Our ancestors did not have churches and mosques. Fyng was their most accessible holy place. Here the Ossetians prayed, talked, accepted important decisions. And therefore, do not forget to behave at the table as one should behave near holy places ... "
So, where does the Ossetian feast begin?
From the table setting, of course. And if the tables are usually set taking into account the expected number of guests and their tastes, in Ossetia, in addition to this, the process of laying is also regulated by traditions and other norms.
First of all, salt shakers with salt are placed on the table. Then, if some animal (cow, bull, ram) was slaughtered for a feast, a wide plate with a thoroughly cleaned and boiled head (without the lower jaw and tongue) and the neck part of the animal (“sir eme berzey "). If the feast is on a good occasion, the neck of the animal should be located on the plate to the left of the head. At the wake - on the right side. Why this is done will be discussed below.
After that, the traditional three pies and drinks are placed on the table, starting from the place of the elder. Plates with boiled meat are also placed on the table. On top of the three pies near the elders, the right shoulder part of the sacrificial animal (“bazyg”) is placed, three right ribs roasted on fire whole piece and a skewer with shish kebab from the liver, lungs and heart of the animal, wrapped in a fatty film (“ehsenbal”). In many regions of Ossetia, the right shoulder blade is also placed on top of the head of the sacrificial animal.
If the expected number of people sitting at the table is more than 5, several plates with three pies on each are placed on the table. Along with this, in our time, one set of dishes and an odd number of drinks are usually covered for 5-6 people.
When the table is set, the main steward (“uynaffegeneg”) is notified about this, or at small feasts - the owner of the house. They, in turn, invite guests to the table, starting with a pre-appointed senior table (“fynji histar” or “badty histar”). Moreover, this place does not have to be occupied by the oldest in age. The main thing is that, being one of the seniors present, he should also be a wise, reserved, eloquent and respected person in society.
If guests come to the house and a feast is served on this occasion, the owner of the house or one of his closest relatives sits in the place of the elder. In the case of weddings, big holidays (“kuyvd”), the elder of the feast is appointed in advance by the main manager or the owner of the house. In the Ossetian feast, this is a very honorable and very responsible duty. It is not for everyone to do it. Because the order at the table, observance of Ossetian norms and traditions, fun and, ultimately, the mood of the guests depend on the senior feast. In addition, he should also be quite "hardy" in relation to alcohol.
The elder (“hister”) should sit at the end of the table facing the east. If the feast takes place in a room where it is difficult to place a table from east to west, the elder should sit at the end that is away from the entrance to the room. Following the elder, everyone is seated according to the “approximate” seniority.
Previously (and even today at official celebrations: weddings, religious holidays, kuvds), women did not sit at the men's table. They were usually served a separate table, where appropriate etiquette was also observed. Nowadays, youth feasts are usually mixed, although men still always sit for the elders.
After everyone is seated, one of those sitting a little lower (or urdyglauuag) pushes the three pies apart so that it can be seen from above that there are exactly three pies. In this case, the top pie should be shifted to the left of the older one. Then, with the permission of the elder, one of the serving young people (“uyrdyglauuag” or “urdygstag”) must fill the glasses of the three elders (starting with the first one). On holidays in Ossetia and today, to offer the first prayer to God and consecrate three ritual pies, Ossetian beer is often poured into a special carved wooden vessel - "baganyy kus" (see photo). Replacing beer with araka or vodka for this occasion should be considered a departure from tradition.
The elder gets up with beer in his right hand and the shoulder part of the slaughtered animal (“bazyg”) in his left. Everyone follows him. In the right hand of the second elder (i.e., located to the right of the first) is a glass, and in the left there are three ribs. The third senior (to the left of the first) has a glass in his right hand, a skewer with barbecue in his left. The feast begins.
The head of the feast loudly offers a prayer to God and all the saints worshiped by the Ossetians, and consecrates three pies (Arta Kardzyny barstkuyvd uat!). Each phrase said by the elder is accompanied by a friendly exclamation of those present: “Amen Khuytsau! (Amen)" until the elder finishes the prayer. After that, one of the younger ones should symbolically bite off (“atsakhodyn”) from the edge of the top pie and take a bowl of beer and “bazyg” from the hands of the elder. Moreover, in many villages of Ossetia, it is necessary to first drink from beer, and then bite off the pie. Since the shoulder joint of the animal "bazyg" symbolizes strength and power, the transfer of "bazyg" to the younger ones is also symbolic.
It is the turn of the second elder to offer a prayer to God. He should not be more verbose than the first elder. His prayer, as well as any subsequent toast of the elders, is also accompanied by the friendly "Amen Khuytsau!" sitting at the table. Upon completion, the goblet and three ribs are also given to one of the juniors. The third senior also says a prayer to God and passes his glass and skewers with barbecue to another junior.
Those who were given “kuvagkagta” (glasses of the elders), starting from the first, thank the elders briefly, in a nutshell, praise God and drink or sip from the glasses. After that, they must ask the attendant (urdyglauuag) to fill the glasses and pass them back to the three elders, respectively. In the case when the “baganyy kus” is passed to the younger ones, they take turns drinking from it, passing it from hand to hand, until they empty it.
The younger ones cut the "bazyg" with a knife, clearing the bone from the meat. In the event that a ram was slaughtered, usually the bone walks around until one of the young breaks it with their hands without the help of foreign objects. In those rare cases when no one succeeds in doing this, the young become the subject of friendly ridicule from those present. To the one who broke the “bazyg”, the elders present an honorary glass, with wishes to add strength to their strength and to be always the first in everything for the benefit of their family and all of Ossetia. But all this happens much later, after the senior "histar" will make the first few toasts.
In the meantime, after the elder has consecrated the three traditional pies, “urdyglauuag” or one of the younger ones moves the pies to the center and cuts them with a knife through the center (in diameter) into eight parts. However, he should not rotate the plate of pies. That piece of the upper pie, from which the younger one tasted (ahodeg) is transferred to him himself.
When the elders fill their glasses again, the “histar” makes a toast to the One God (“Iunag Kadzhyn Styr Khuytsau”), clinks glasses first with the second, and then with the third elder and drinks.
Then all the other participants in the feast take turns “from top to bottom” (from the oldest to the youngest) join what was said, clink glasses with the next two, drink and sit down. In Ossetia, it is not customary to drink silently. Everyone must in a short form "pass" the contents of the toast to the next two (the one opposite and the one next to him), clink glasses with them in the same order and only after that drink. In other words, after each toast uttered by the elder, a kind of “relay race” of passing this toast passes through the entire table. At the same time, only three, or less often five people hold glasses in their hands. Even number drink only at funerals. That is, after one has drunk for what was said, the turn goes to the next one after him, and the fourth person from the drinker picks up a glass to complete the next three.
When clinking glasses, the level of the junior glass should be slightly lower than the level of the senior glass.
Only after the first glass you can start the meal. Before that, you can neither drink nor eat. Until the elder prays to God and blesses three pies, even a child does not touch the food on the table.
Whenever the elder makes a toast, it is customary to stop eating, interrupt the conversation and listen carefully to the elder. In general, at all times Ossetians treated food very reservedly, “ascetically”. There was a saying in use: "Go to the feast full, return hungry." She emphasizes the fact that gluttony was a great disgrace, and even if you were very hungry (and who was full in the old days?) At a public feast, it was customary to eat food with restraint, slowly, without showing your appetite. The same is true when visiting.
In Ossetia, they say that nothing can be “thrown away” from the elder’s toast, but you can add to it (only necessarily “in the subject”). The next toast reaches the last person sitting at the table, he gets up and loudly addresses the elders: “Dear elders! Your toast has reached us." This lets the elder know when he can move on to the next one.
The second toast at the Ossetian festive table is always pronounced for the patron of men, travelers and warriors, Uastyrdzhi. With the advent of Christianity in Ossetia, this image often became personified with the image of St. George. Uastirdzhi is the most revered saint among Ossetians. A toast to him is usually made and drunk while standing. They ask Uastirdzhi that real men never be transferred to Ossetia, so that on a long journey they will be lucky and faithful friends so that native Ossetia lives in peace and prosperity, bypassed by adversity, and so that our youth have the strength, courage and courage to protect their native land. This and all subsequent toasts uttered by the elder pass through the entire table in a relay race, just like the first one.
The third toast “histar” is pronounced for the occasion on which the feast was gathered (for the favor of the saint in whose honor the holiday is, for the happy marriage of the young, for the safe return from the army, for the newborn, for the hero of the day, etc.). This toast is also pronounced standing up (out of respect for the family, for the elders of this kind and the significance of the event itself). During any celebrations, if the toast is pronounced while standing, it is supposed to drink only while standing. At the commemoration, the opposite is true - even if a person spoke while standing, he should drink while sitting.
After the third toast, the eldest, for reasons of people's democracy and respect for those present, may give the floor to the second eldest. A representative of the host clan-surname (“fisym”) usually sits in this place, therefore, most often with his toast, he pronounces a greeting to all the guests of the celebration, thanks them for the honor rendered by his presence to this house and the whole family. At the same time, on behalf of the owner of the house or the elders of his family, he can present glasses of honor to all guests present at the table. This glass in Ossetia is a sign of special respect and gratitude. To refuse it means to offend the presenter. To say that you are already full and do not want to drink more is a sign of bad taste. At the same time, this does not mean that it is necessary to empty a faceted glass of vodka, as did famous hero M. Sholokhov. Firstly, good hosts do not try to solder guests to the point of losing consciousness, and to some extent go towards them, giving indulgences. Secondly, when offering glasses of honor, the main thing is not in the number of degrees and volume of the drink, but in the content of this beautiful tradition, in the expressed words of respect and gratitude. And the one who does not understand this grossly violates Agdau - the unwritten set of rules for Ossetian life. You can drink a weaker drink, or ask to pour less. If a person cannot drink for some good reason or does not drink at all, you can simply take a sip from a glass, apologize and say that he is a non-drinker or, say, driving (if this is actually the case).
All those who were presented with glasses, starting from the one who sits higher on the table, say words of gratitude for the honor, wish the hosts happiness, good luck and prosperity, as well as the opportunity to present such glasses more often at their celebrations (implying the wish to have as much as possible reasons for celebrating). They drink glasses in the same order as with toasts - a “relay race” of three from the beginning of the table to its end.
The one who brought the glasses (the second elder), standing, waits until he drinks the most junior guest. And only after that, he briefly repeats his toast and passes the word to the elder, since he has no right to drink before the elder for the toast he himself pronounced. The elder gets up and thanks him for the good, beautiful toast. He also thanks the guests of the holiday, and drinks with best wishes. Further, the toast moves down the feast as usual, with the only difference being that the guests in this case drink to the health of the hosts and all those present.
Before, when men and women did not sit at the same table, there was only one standard of table management. But over time, youth feasts have developed their own, more democratic and free standard. It is usually divided into two components: compulsory and optional. The obligatory includes the first 3-5 toasts and 2-3 toasts that complete the feast. Between them, the youth usually makes impromptu toasts, depending on the eloquence and opinion of those who sit at the head of the table.
Among the people of the older and middle generation, the feast takes place almost the same as a hundred years ago. After the first 3-4 toasts, the elder usually consistently offers a prayer:
- "Bynaty hitsau" (Patron of the house), to protect the house of the owners and the houses of all those present from adversity.
- “Chorus Uacilla”, “Fosi Falvar” (Patron of the harvest Uacilla and Patron of domestic animals Falvar)
- "Mady Mairam" (more often at the women's table), so that women are healthy, happy and raise their children the same way.
In different gorges of Ossetia, they will also not forget to mention Hetadzhi Uastirdzhi, Tutyr, Rekomy Dzuar, Nykhasy Uastirdzhi, Tarangelos, Sary Dzuar, Alardy, Dzyvgisa Dzuar, Mykalgabyrt and many other saints worshiped by Ossetians. In the old days, the holidays lasted a long time, often for several days, and many toasts were made at the table. But at the same time, the feast never turned into an ugly booze, since a drunken drunk could cover himself with an indelible shame on the entire gorge. And shame was considered by the Ossetians as something worse than death.
The head of the feast can make a toast to the elders, wishing health and long life to those who are healthy, and eternal memory those who are no longer there. Toasts are also often said at the Ossetian feast: for the health and well-being of all those present, for the health and longevity of all neighbors and fellow villagers (because it is difficult to imagine Ossetian life without their support and mutual assistance), for the prosperity of the members of the host family, for world peace, for unity , well-being and prosperity of Ossetia, for the inviolability and preservation of the traditions of their ancestors (agdau). Depending on the occasion of the feast, the elder can commemorate all those who gave their lives defending their homeland from enemies, the children of those who died during the mudflow in Sindzikaue, the victims of the 2004 tragedy in Beslan, and those who died under the glacier in Karmadon. In the villages of the Digorsky district, a toast is often made in memory of Zadaleski Nana, the savior of children during the invasion of Timur (see the article in the section “Figures of the Alanian period”)
But all this happens in the "free program" of the feast and at the discretion of the elder.
In a word, there can be quite a lot of toasts at the Ossetian table, and depending on the region of Ossetia where the feast is held, their set may also vary slightly. However, this program should include a few more mandatory elements that should not be missed.
Somewhere in the middle of the feast, the eldest of the guests (especially if it happens at a wedding, marriage of the bride or family celebrations) asks the head of the table to allow the guests to thank the women preparing food in the kitchen (afsinta), largely thanks to whom this feast took place. After receiving such permission, the guests equip three people with three filled glasses on a plate and an appetizer (usually a piece of boiled meat). In those cases. when this custom was not performed during the feast, it is performed after everyone has risen from the table.
Arriving at the kitchen, where “afsinta” (usually several neighbors) bake pies and prepare other dishes for the feast, one of the authorized people, on behalf of his elders and other guests, pronounces a greeting in their honor, thanks for the deliciously cooked food and wishes them to always show their culinary skills. art only at holidays and weddings.
After that, the three young men present their glasses of thanksgiving to the three older women. In response, they also thank the guests for the honor, wish them to continue to adhere to the norms of high morality and honor (Agdau), observing the beautiful traditions of their people. Women usually rarely drink the presented glasses themselves. More often they return them to guests with the words: “Noisen duuuerdem u” (Honor and respect should be mutual). If the guests brought glasses with Ossetian beer or light wine, women can also drink. There is nothing shameful in this. In this case, for their return to the presenter, the glasses must be filled again. But most often, women, after thanking the guests, return the glasses.
Having received their glasses back, the young people, one at a time (in order of seniority), again briefly thank the “afsint” and drink. In empty glasses they usually put banknote(large enough dignity) and pass them to those who presented the glasses with a request to buy some sweets for themselves on their behalf.
Returning to the place of the feast with empty glasses, the commissioners inform the elders about the accomplishment of the mission, convey the words of gratitude expressed by the “afsinta” and receive permission to take their places at the table.
During their absence, the feast goes on as usual. Toasts are made, songs, jokes are heard, different stories are told. At a certain moment, the elder asks the one sitting next to cut off the right ear from the head of the sacrificial animal (for this, the neck is placed on the left side of the head so as not to cover the right one). He cuts it off at the base, then slightly cuts it twice so that the ear is divided into three parts with these cuts, remaining intact.
The elder takes this ear in left hand, a glass - to the right and, standing, addresses the younger ones at the table with a kind of parting word (this can be pronounced as a toast to the younger generation). Then he presents them with a glass and hands over the incised ear.
The symbolism of this glass dates back to ancient times and implies the transfer of life experience and wisdom from the elders to the younger, the need to listen to the opinion of the elders. In Ossetia, young people often want to “make mistakes in life only by following the advice of their elders,” implying that in this case there will be a minimum of mistakes. At the memorial table, this tradition is absent. Therefore, the neck part of the carcass is placed on the right side of the head, symbolically, as if covering the right ear.
So, one of the younger ones takes the handed glass, divides the incised ear into three parts. Usually two more juniors join him, and the three of them, after ordinary words gratitude and recognition, they drink glasses, biting the left part of the ear. Then they fill the glass and return it back. The elder, often standing up, makes a toast to the younger generation. He asks God and Uastirdzhi to protect the young from adversity and misfortune, bad friends, bad roads and betrayal. He wants the young to be strong in spirit and strong body, be brave and courageous, as well as proudly and with honor to carry the name of the Ossetian, wherever they are. At the same time, young people are often reminded that for their ancestors, even death was preferable to shame.
After the elder drinks his glass, all the other participants in the feast join the toast, starting with the second elder, as usual - a “relay race” of three people. Moreover, if the elder (s) drank (s) while standing, out of respect, the rest should also stand up, join the toast and drink while standing.
Often, towards the end of the feast, the younger ones ask the elders for a word and, having received permission, also present them with three glasses of gratitude. To do this, three young people must approach the elders with three filled glasses on a plate and a symbolic snack (usually boiled meat). One of them, on behalf of all the younger ones sitting at the table, utters words of gratitude for the care and attention to the young, wishes the elders to be able to sit at the head of the table for many more years and pass on their wisdom to the younger ones. Having received the glasses, the elders thank those who brought them for their attention and observance of traditions, pronounce the usual wishes in this case and drink. Those who brought the glass serve them a snack from the brought plate. After the three elders have drunk, the glasses are filled again and returned to the young who presented them. They briefly thank the elders again and drink too. After that, they can return to their places.
It's time to round off the feast. To do this, the head of the table, after consulting with the second and third elders, pronounces a toast to the holy Mykalgabyrte (giving grace) bread and salt, to “berkad” (abundance) in this house and the houses of all those present. He wants everyone to have everything in abundance, for family members, for guests and even for enemies.
After this toast has passed throughout the feast to the end of the table, the elder makes a toast to Kaasary Uastirdzhi. (Keeper of the Threshold). He wishes, first of all, to this house, and then to all those present, that misfortune never crosses their thresholds and that houses are always full of guests who bring happiness and joy. This toast, like all the previous ones, goes all over the table. Recently, in order to shorten the final part of the feast, but only with the permission of the elders, the younger ones began to add this toast to the toast for abundance. That is, when it is their turn to drink to abundance, they combine the two toasts.
After that, the participants of the feast make a toast to Fandagsar Uastirdzhi standing up, ask for his patronage and wish everyone who came from afar a happy journey, safely reach home and find their family in good health. After drinking for it, sitting down at the table is no longer accepted.
The feast is over and everyone goes home, after thanking the hosts for the reception and wishing them as many celebrations and holidays as possible in the house.
Some rules of the Ossetian feast.
Brief list.
Everything that is considered indecent for any civilized feast is not accepted at the Ossetian table either. But besides this, for Ossetians...
Table - Holy place. Behind him you can not swear, swear, slander. It is also not customary to mention dogs, donkeys, reptiles or any other "dirty" animals. And if something like this escaped by chance, you must definitely apologize (Fyng bakhatyr canad).
Grandfather and grandson, father and son, uncle and nephew, father-in-law and son-in-law, brothers (if there was a significant age difference between them) did not sit at the same table in Ossetia. By violating this custom, those who are younger in age or in position show disrespect for elders.
If guests come to the house outside of any celebrations, the owner of the house (the older adult man) sits down for the elder, regardless of the age of his own and the guests. If there is a big celebration or wedding in the house, the owner of the house does not sit at the table at all. He makes sure that the guests of the celebration are received as best as possible, passing on his comments and requests to the steward of the holiday.
You can't get drunk. You need to know your capabilities and, using accepted traditions and norms, stop in time. Those who get drunk allegedly to support Ossetian traditions (agdau) are their first violators. A non-drinker in Ossetia has never been considered flawed, but drunkards have always been in disgrace.
You can not come already obviously drunk. Usually the person in such a state is not in control of himself, and those in charge of the feast must be firm enough to keep such people away from the table. After all, they can spoil the whole feast and the mood of the guests.
Smoking at the table is a sign of disrespect for others. If you endure unbearable, you can always (after three toasts) take time off from the elders and go out for a smoke.
Free walking is also a manifestation of disrespect for elders and everyone sitting at the table. It is also impossible to leave the feast without notifying the elders.
If someone is late for the start of the feast, he, regardless of age, should sit at the end of the table. If a guest arrives at the feast from afar, he is brought to the elders to say hello and wish everyone to meet at such celebrations. The elders present him with an "ambalaggag" (counter) glass. Guest after short wishes the participants of the feast always meet the guests who bring happiness, drinks a glass and sits down where a place is prepared for him.
It is not customary to come to the official Ossetian feast in inappropriate clothes (shorts, sports uniform, and so on). It is also inappropriate to do something that goes against the general norms of Ossetian behavior in society (for example, yelling at someone or insulting, arguing with elders, or sitting at a men's table, putting children on their knees or next to them.)
You cannot make your own toasts or give honorary glasses without the knowledge of the elders or in the intervals between their toasts. You can not drink "out of line", in the intervals between toasts (an exception is if a person wants to drink water or juice). This breaks the foundations of centuries-old Ossetian traditions, giving drunk lovers the opportunity to be self-willed at the table. Attempts to drink too much or force someone to do it should be stopped immediately and quite categorically.
If the elders stand up to make another toast, everyone else must also stand up. In recent decades, a tradition has appeared in Ossetia when one of the younger ones remains seated (symbolically “guarding” the table). But as soon as the elder, having drunk his glass, sits down, the "guarding the table" should immediately get up. This tradition is observed during the feast. At the same time, when at the beginning the elder consecrates the Three Pies, and the feast has not yet begun, all the participants in the feast stand up without exception.
In Ossetian traditions, it is always necessary to hold a glass or pass it with the right hand. Accordingly, they also fill it from the left to the right.
You can’t make a toast or drink before the one sitting at the table above has drunk. When he makes a toast, you need to listen carefully to understand what it is about.
You can not indicate or prompt the elders, express dissatisfaction with the course of the feast. At the same time, one should not indulge in gross violations of Ossetian traditions by anyone, especially when someone forces you to drink too much.
The order of seating the participants in the feast is also important. The head of the table should sit at the end of the table. The "minority" of the rest goes in a zigzag across the table, starting from the second senior and to the end of the entire table. That is, the one following the one who makes the toast sits opposite, and the other one is nearby. They need to be addressed when “transferring” a toast. Before drinking, they clink glasses with them in the same sequence (opposite-side by side). There should not be an even number of people holding a glass (and clinking glasses) at the same time. For 2 or 4 they drink only at the commemoration.
While a toast is being made by one of the elders, the young ones unanimously and loudly support the toast with the exclamation of “Amen Khuytsau!” or "Amen wad!".
However, this should never be done at a wake.
If the person sitting at the table sees that the elder is expressing some thanksgiving words in his direction, should stand up and listen to the speaker standing up to the end. At the same time, he can modestly insert his “Styr buznyg” (Thank you very much) or “Khuytsau zagad ne’ppatan dar” (God grant us all).
On the table on the occasion of the Ossetian folk holidays(Dzheorguyba, Khetaji Bon, Rekom, Uatsilla and others) do not put chicken, fish. Ossetians do not use products made from them during these holidays. All meat these days should be prepared from beef or lamb.
On the table during traditional Ossetian holidays, there should never be pork and products made from it. As a common food item, it is acceptable at picnics, birthday parties, and other similar informal events. But here, too, pork products are put on the table only after the elder has prayed to God and consecrated three pies or made the first three toasts.
A feast on a good occasion is always accompanied by fun, songs, jokes. Mostly young people are zealous in this. But it is not fitting for them to start, say, a song before the elders do it. In some cases, the elders, giving up their first right, themselves ask the young ones to sing something or play some instrument.
When there is noise in the yard or in the house full swing fun, young guests sitting at the table, after 3-5 toasts, can ask the permission of the elder to visit “Khast” (place of fun, dancing). And the wise elder always gives his permission for this, having formally consulted with the second and third elders.
Responsibilities of a caterer
(Uyrdyglauuag or urdygstag)
Official Ossetian celebrations usually involve quite a few a large number of of people. And without the help of a certain group of young people, from among neighbors and relatives (necessarily - sons-in-law of a given surname), it is difficult to do here. They distribute the table among themselves (“from now to now”) and each serves his own area. They usually stand along the table on the right side with araki vessels in their left hand. Apparently that's why they are called "urdyglauuag" (literally: "standing"). As the toast moves from the elder down the table, the attendant takes and fills the glasses of each person sitting on his site in the strict sequence of the toast. At the same time, 3 or 5 glasses should be filled, but not an even number. The glass is held and passed only with the right hand. From time to time, as the vessel with araka is emptied, the urdygleuueg goes to the “kabitz” (a room for storing all foods and drinks intended for the celebration), and asks the “kabitsa hitsau” (responsible) to fill the “decanter”.
The person serving the feast also makes sure that everything is in abundance on the table. He can make up for the lack of one or another product or dishes, again through the “cabins of hitsau”. They also bring “lyvza” (Ossetian analogue of stew), “fiddzhynta” (pies with minced meat. See section "Ossetian cuisine") and "bas" (broth, usually at the request of those sitting at the table). All this is served hot during the feast.
Previously, "urdyglauuag" was an essential attribute of any feast. The men mostly drank one drink - araka (Ossetian moonshine, similar in smell and taste to whiskey). Beer is usually put on the table. Nowadays, tables are usually filled with various drinks, and "urdyglauuag" with araka is no longer so necessary. Usually, after 3-5 toasts, the elders let him go, as everyone sitting at the table chooses a drink to their liking from the table.
But pouring yourself is not accepted. And that is why one of those sitting next to him does it, but “lower”. At the same time, 2-3 young people who do not participate in the feast still look after the table, partially performing the functions of “urdyglauuag”.
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Ossetians are a very musical people. Their national music sounds not only from the windows of houses, but also in minibuses passing through the city3, and also from numerous mobile devices of the inhabitants of this peculiar area. But the way Ossetians love dancing is completely indescribable. Those who are lucky enough to get to any Ossetian holiday will be immensely surprised and delighted. You can look not only at the dances of the peoples of the Caucasus, that is, at the incendiary and even sparkling lezginka. Her Ossetians, by the way, dance simply masterfully, but also graceful, smooth national pair dances, and also the Shalakho dance beloved by everyone.
How do Ossetians treat their elders?
Ossetians have a special attitude towards all elders. They are not only respected, but also revered. This people needs to learn education. So, on the territory of Ossetia, it is customary to always give way to the elders in transport, and even the young respectfully stand up when older people appear.
When meeting, men in Ossetia, as a sign of respect, greet each other in the form of a handshake. Moreover, this is done even with completely strangers. So the guests of this republic invariably admire this tradition. In addition, a tribute to all elders is how young people behave on city streets. Nowhere in the city can you meet frankly leading and kissing couples. This is not accepted here, moreover, it is considered simply indecent. Couples walking around the city and along the embankment always look modest, even chaste, as it was in the old days.
Ossetian holidays
One of the most favorite holidays of the people of Ossetia is the feast of St. George - among local people he has the status of the patron saint of all men and travelers, and is also considered the protector of the poor and destitute. Such a Christian holiday is celebrated in the last week of November, it lasts a week. In each of the houses, a table is laid, where they put the traditional three pies and the meat of a sacrificed ram or bull. Pork is not eaten during the 7 days of the holiday.
The cuisine of the Ossetian people deserves special attention. If those who happened to visit Ossetia did not try the Ossetian pie, one can say that they wasted their time. Those who have tasted this “miracle of local cuisine” at least once will remain its fan throughout their lives. For Ossetians, pies are not only delicious and satisfying pastries. They elevated them to the status of a ritual dish. Above the pies, a prayer is always said first, praising the Almighty.
Advice
Pies are cut only after a toast has been previously pronounced, and only with the permission of the Elder himself.
There are 3 pies on the festive table, symbolizing God, the Sun, and also the Earth. 2 pies are served on the memorial table, moreover, the middle pie, which is a symbol of the Sun, is absent. Not one more or less important feast is complete without pies in Ossetia. Regardless of what nationality the owners of the house will be. Pie fillings can be very different. But, by and large, pies are most often baked with cheese and potatoes, as well as with meat and ordinary beet tops. By the way, the taste of this cake is just fabulous. All dishes from the Ossetian cuisine are necessarily prepared with the addition of national spices. This is a tribute to tradition.
Plurinational Republic
Although the variety is small, they are still very tasty. Ossetia is a multinational republic. It has become a homeland for Russians, Ukrainians, Armenians and Georgians, as well as Azerbaijanis with Greeks, Germans and Poles, Jews and Tatars. Here, people who believe in different gods coexist quite peacefully. The multinationality of this republic also determines the huge variety of dishes on the festive table of Ossetia. They are literally bursting with an abundance of dishes, among which one can consider Armenian and Georgian, as well as some primordially Russian dishes.
Conclusion:
Ossetia is a multinational republic, therefore, traditions and features of faith and religious rituals and rules of many nationalities are fancifully mixed in it. The result is a very distinctive and colorful local culture.
Ossetian wedding traditions
The North Ossetian wedding is divided into three stages, the structure and content of which are typical for all local traditions:
1. The pre-wedding period - the time from the first matchmaking to the wedding day - can last from one month to six months and includes the choice of the bride, the matchmaking and betrothal, which takes place a week before the wedding.
2. The wedding itself in the modern practice of Ossetians takes one, less often two days, while in the past it lasted a week.
3. The post-wedding period is filled with actions aimed at resolving the relationship between the two clans and introducing the young woman to the husband's family and the new community.
Pre-wedding period. Ossetians strictly observe the tradition of exogamous marriages, that is, marriage is prohibited within a certain community, which includes namesakes, members of related surnames ærvaæltæ, leading their origin from one ancestor, and related surnames of the mother. Marriages are also not welcome in cases where the bride or groom comes from the grandmother's family.
In the recent past, the choice of a couple among Ossetians was carried out on the basis of marriage policy: it was considered shameful to marry a son to a girl whose family had a lower social status. That's why Aldars(representatives of the upper class among the Ossetians) "married only the daughters of the Aldars or foreign princesses" [see. Bibliography, no. 11, p. 288-298]. Now the choice of a couple is free mutual consent bride and groom, regardless of their age and social status.
In the old days, the life of an Ossetian girl was rather closed. Almost the only place where you could choose a bride for yourself was hazt[kazht] - a youth festivity that was held on all holidays: “The custom allows girls at this time to break their usual reclusive life and revive public entertainment with their complicity ... On hazt all young people who are not yet bound by marriage come together, and by itself there is an opportunity for all kinds of observations made by young people in order to choose their girlfriends in life. A girl, with all her bodily virtues, reputed to be modest in her neighborhood, a master of needlework, and even with the makings of a kind and experienced housewife, is the ideal of the bride" [see. Bibliography, no. 17, p. 2].
In the folk tradition at the turn of the 19th-20th centuries, the age of marriage for girls was 14-16 years, and for men - 17-18 years, although in reality most couples married much later. This was due to the need to pay iræd(kalym), the size of which was determined by the social status of the bride's clan: the lower the estate, the less the bride price. Usually kalym was taken with utensils, pets and money. The custom of paying bride price could lead to a significant difference in age between the bride and groom.
The need to pay kalym sometimes led to the ruin of already poor families. This gave rise to the custom of bride kidnapping. Poor Ossetians, “not having sufficient funds to pay the bride price, are forced to either remain single forever, which is considered by Ossetians to be very shameful, or they resort to acquiring a bride by kidnapping” [see. Bibliography, no. 7, p. 378-379]. The kidnapping of the girl, which, however, was not mass form marriage, often became the cause of blood feuds between clans [see. Bibliography, No. 13]. Interestingly, bride kidnapping is currently very popular among Ossetian youth, which is associated either with the refusal of the bride's parents to marry her, or with economic reasons.
Previously, among the Ossetians, a young man who wanted to get married had to get permission from his parents to get married. After that, he added a room to parental home and began to look after the bride, visiting hazt in neighboring villages. If the guy managed to find a worthy mate, then he let his parents know about his intention to marry through a close friend or relative who negotiated with them and informed the young man about their decision. “In case of disagreement of the parents, the young man in most cases obeys the decision of the parents and leaves the idea of marriage; cases of disobedience are very rare” [see p. Bibliography, no. 7, p. 242].
Both in the past and in our days, the guy's parents send matchmakers to the house of the bride - minæværttæ[minavartta], usually three men: “One from the surname of the guy, the other from the surname of the groom’s mother, and the third is not a relative, a respected person - as a witness” [see. Bibliography, no. 4, p. 28]. The matchmaking always took place on a Saturday night, after dark.
For the first time, the matchmakers come as guests, and they are treated as guests, because, according to the Ossetian proverb, "the guest is from God." Then they report that they have come on business [lit. "look for the head"], and begin negotiations with the bride's parents. The typified sentences of the matchmakers express the desire to intermarry: “Temyr [the father of the groom] wants to intermarry with you, and how do you want? They have a good surname, the guy is not without valor, among his peers he is not the worst, and their house is like a bowl of honey. Bibliography, no. 3, p. 45]. The girl's father or brother did not immediately give an answer, but set the date for the next meeting. According to custom, matchmakers must come to the bride's house three to five times. If the bride’s family was initially opposed to the groom, then the matchmakers were informed that they did not have a marriageable girl, or they justified their decision with “good reasons” [see. Bibliography, No. 6, p. 110]. There were cases when persistent matchmakers spent years convincing the girl's relatives to marry her off, and in the end their efforts were successful.
The last visit of the matchmakers, when they finally agreed on the wedding, is called conspiracy - fidaugæ[fidaug]. The senior guest from the groom's side left a deposit - mysaynag[mousehead] - any valuable thing(in the past - weapons, and now money). “The marriage bond was taken very seriously by both parties. To refuse marriage after this would mean inflicting a grave offense, which often entailed blood feuds" [see. Bibliography, No. 6, p. 111]. Only after this did a joint meal begin, sometimes lasting until the morning.
In general, the rather archaic traditions of matchmaking described above continue to live today. The changes include reducing the number of visits by matchmakers to the bride's relatives, as well as moving collusion, which includes a handshake and the transfer of a deposit, to the wedding day. The custom of paying kalym turned out to be completely obsolete.
As is known from ethnographic sources, in the 19th and early 20th centuries, the period between collusion and marriage, called kuyrduats badyn[Kurduats badyn] (lit. "to sit betrothed » ), lasted up to a year, and sometimes longer. In the past during kuyrduat the groom and his relatives collected kalym, and the bride's side prepared the dowry. Every day, friends and close relatives gathered in the house of the betrothed girl, who helped her in preparing wedding gifts and clothes.
After matchmaking, according to traditional etiquette, the behavior of a guy and a girl changed dramatically. The guy avoided meetings with the bride's parents and older men of her family. If he passed by the house of future relatives, he had to get off his horse and walk on foot until he passed the estate of his future wife. The betrothed girl did not have the right to appear in public places for no particular reason and without the accompaniment of her brothers, and if they were not, then her friends. If she happened to pass by the groom's house, she lowered a scarf over her face in order to remain unrecognized.
By ancient custom, the groom and members of his family could visit the bride's house and her relatives. The groom's visit to the bride's house during the pre-wedding period had a number of peculiarities. He always came only with friends, and more often with relatives, and at night, so that none of the older men of the bride's family could see him. In addition, the groom was strictly forbidden to see and communicate with his chosen one. During these visits, only the future best man could see the bride. If 7-10 friends came with the groom, then the bride's relatives prepared a treat for them and arranged hazt, to which the neighboring youth were invited, but the groom did not have the right to take part in the dances.
The custom of the groom visiting the house of the bride K.L. Khetagurov calls sgarst[shgersht] (“intelligence”) and gives the following description of him: “He is usually accompanied by several friends of the same age and one of his non-close relatives; he does not go empty-handed, but with a waterskin of araki, a ram and six wheat loaves, three of which should be the size of an Ossetian millstone (3/4 or a whole arshin in diameter). In addition, gifts are specially intended: a silk Georgian scarf and cloth for the bride, something for her mother too. After that, the groom could freely enter the father-in-law's house, although "frequent visits and long stays it’s not in the rules of good form” [see. Bibliography, No. 16, p. 13].
At the same time, there is evidence that the groom used to not only visit the bride’s house, but also stayed in it for several weeks, without, however, having the right to see the bride: “He usually spent the night in the room of the bride’s brother or relative somewhere on the roof, under some kind of shed, and in winter in a tower, in a barn, if there was no other free space in the house" [see. Bibliography, no. 13, p. thirty]. Over the course of the 20th century, this custom was transformed and began to take on the character of a short visit by the groom to the bride's house. Now it's called Siahsy tsyd[shchiakhshy syd] (“visiting the groom”) and represents the arrival of the groom and his friends to the parents of the betrothed girl on one of the pre-wedding days. At the same time, as in the old days, the groom is obliged to present gifts to the bride and her parents. A number of early ethnographic sources mention that the groom had to purchase a horse for his future mother-in-law - veils bæh(lit. "horse of the arrow") [see. Bibliography, no. 17, p. 2], so that the subsequent family life would be successful. These actions contributed to a closer acquaintance of future relatives.
Currently Siahsy tsyd usually transferred to the evening or night of the wedding day. The groom and close friends arrive at the bride's house, where a feast is prepared for their arrival. After the meal, the groom and his friends with three pies and a ritual drink visit ævsintæ[efshchinta] ( housewives) - women who prepared wedding treats, and the mother of the bride. After handing them "honorary" filled glasses, the groom gives the mother of the bride a valuable gift.
In a modern wedding, a ceremony has developed that performs the function of betrothal, - suæg tsyd[shushag sid] (“secret visit”). The groom comes to the bride's house on the Saturday evening before the wedding with sweets - Siahsy kafettaæ[schiakhshy kaffetta] (“groom's sweets”), which he distributes to young people. It is believed that if a girl puts them under her pillow, then in a dream she can see her betrothed. After the feast, the groom, together with his friends, goes to the room where the bride is surrounded by her friends. With three pies and a ritual drink, the eldest of his friends says a prayer, after which the young exchange rings. Then the general fun begins and settles hazt.
In previous years, pre-wedding rituals ended with the arrival of the kalym - iræsdzhytæ[ireshdzhita] specially invited respected people and old people. The day was appointed by the groom's relatives, notifying the bride's relatives.
The bride's relatives notified the groom's parents about their readiness for the wedding, and they, in turn, informed their relatives and neighbors. To do this, they chose a special person - a close relative of the groom or a neighbor, usually of a young age, who rode around relatives on horseback, inviting them to the upcoming celebration. Although all members of related families received an invitation to a wedding without fail, this was not supposed to be abused. As a rule, only adult men and women from the families of close relatives, friends and neighbors went to the wedding, and only men from other families.
The etiquette associated with attending a wedding celebration remains the same, that is, close relatives are invited by whole families, others - selectively. The number of guests at a modern wedding celebration reaches 500-1000 people from both the groom and the bride, which is commensurate in scale with the tradition of the early twentieth century.
The Ossetian wedding takes place within two days, passing in parallel and to a sufficient extent isolated in two houses: the bride's - chyzgærvyst(lit. "departure of the bride") and the groom - chyndzhast(lit. "bride's drive").
For the Ossetian wedding tradition, both in the past and in the present, a detailed system of wedding rites, which have traditional names and are vested with certain powers in the ritual, is of great importance.
Let us consider in more detail the main functions of the main administrative ranks:
- kuhylkhætsæg[kukhylkheseg] (lit. “holding the hand”) - the first best man from the side of the groom, at the wedding standing to the right of the bride and holding her under her right hand. He has the most authority. The first best man does not take an active part in the feast, but the course of the ceremony depends on his diligence and knowledge of wedding customs. Connection kuylkhætsæga with the bride and groom is not limited to the wedding. Being, as a rule, one of the close friends or relatives of the groom, kuhylkhætsæg becomes, according to popular notions, called the brother of the bride. He plays a significant role in resolving the relationship between both families. In past, kuylkhætsæg was the only adviser for the bride and, if necessary, an intercessor in family relations.
- æmdzuarjin[emzuardzhyn] (lit. "having one saint") - the best man's assistant, standing to the left of the bride and holding her under her left arm. He helps the best man and also enters into a relationship of symbolic kinship with the bride.
- kængæ mad[kenge mad] (lit. "named mother") is one of the participants in the wedding train. As a rule, it was the wife of the first best man or one of the relatives or close neighbors of the groom. Her duties included familiarizing the young daughter-in-law with the basics of intimate life in the family, about which she was not allowed to talk with her mother, and even more so with her mother-in-law or other daughters-in-law. This wedding rite is found locally in a number of regions of North Ossetia (Kurtatin and Tagaur gorges).
In addition to these ranks, which perform key functions in the ritual, there are others whose names reflect the areas of their powers that are relevant in the context of certain ritual situations:
· chyzgærvitdzhytæ[chyzhgervitdzhyte] (lit. "sending a girl") - the general name of the guests at the wedding from the side of the bride;
· chyndzhæssæg[chynzkheshshag] (lit. “taking away the bride”) - the general name of the participants in the wedding train from the side of the groom; they consisted of three or four men who were fluent in the art of singing and performed all ritual songs; at present, these are specially invited people from among the participants of folklore groups;
· chyndzambal[chynzembal] - a relative of the bride, accompanying her to the groom's house;
B]· histær uazæg[hishter uazheg] - designation of the senior guest from among the participants of the wedding train;
· nymættukhæg[nymettuheg] (lit. "wrapping felt") - the designation of a person who takes and transports the bride's dowry;
· huyndzæuttæ[khunzeutte] (lit. “messengers with gifts”) - representatives of the bride’s clan, carrying a dowry;
· hyzisæg[khyzhisheg] (lit. “removing the veil”) - the designation of an eloquent young man from close relatives or neighbors of the groom, removing the veil from the bride;
· khuynzau[hunzau] (lit. “messenger with gifts”) - the name of a group of people from among the participants in the wedding train; to one of active participants this group was charged with the obligation to list the gifts sent by the groom to the bride's relatives and herself.
In modern ritual practice, the functions nymættukhæg, who in the old days had to pick up and transport the bride's dowry to the groom's house, are entrusted khuynzau, as a result of which the transportation of the groom's gifts to the bride's relatives and the dowry on the second or third day of the wedding are combined.
Some of the guests invited to the wedding also take on special obligations during the wedding ceremony, which is enshrined in special terms. So, a group of young guys who are entrusted with serving guests during a feast are called urdyglæjudzhitæ(lit. "upright"). Food stocks prepared for the wedding meal and stored in a special pantry are managed by kæbitsy hitsau("storekeeper"). Women who are invited to cook food for a wedding are called ævsintæ("hostesses"), etc.
The most passive participants in the wedding are the bride and groom. The bride, like the groom, is allocated a special place where she must stand during the wedding day; her behavior is marked by ritual silence. All movements of the bride in the rite are carried out with the permission and with the direct participation of wedding rites, such as kuhylkhætsæg, æmdzuardzhyn, kængæ mad And chyndzambal.
An expert on wedding traditions, Bulat Gappoevich Gazdanov (b. 1936), told how the choice of wedding ceremonies was carried out: “They used to invite like this ... That's how I remember from childhood. The eldest was invited, for example, to a feast, or the eldest ... to go as the eldest guest from the trainees. Women were also invited. No one went without an invitation! Women were invited to the ceremony mydykus, and the youth was waiting for an invitation to the wedding hazt. Neighborhood youth were also invited, for example, to help look after the tables, or to help slaughter a bull, or something else.
On the first day of the wedding at the groom's house with the participation of kuhylkhætsæga And æmdzuargyna the wedding train is being prepared. Leading a group of travelers histær uazæg, a respected person from among relatives or neighbors, who knows Ossetian customs well. He notifies in advance those who are honored to join the wedding train. Before leaving, a table is set for its participants: they pray and ask for blessings from the saint Uastirdzhi[Uashtyrji] - the patron of men, travelers and warriors, as well as the elders of the clan, then they go for the bride. At the same time, preparations for the meeting of guests and the wedding feast begin in the bride's house.
During the movement of the train in the recent past, they performed a special wedding song - Chyndzhæsdzhyty zaræg[chynzkheshdzhyty jareg] (lit. “song of the travellers”). Songs of this kind are known in scientific literature with other names: Farn fætsæuy[farn fetseuy] (lit. "Farn is coming") or Farny charge(lit. "song of the farn"). Image farna(lit. "heavenly grace"; "happiness") is of key importance in their poetics. Good wishes to all participants in the wedding ceremony are a characteristic feature of this genre.
By tradition, the wedding train arrived in the first half of the day, due to the need for the trainees with the bride to return to the groom's house by the evening of the same day. In the old days, if the bride lived far away, travelers could spend the night in her house and only the next day set off on their return journey. In this case, the bride's move to the future husband's house fell on the second wedding day.
According to the custom, older men of the bride's clan come out to meet the wedding train, and one of the young relatives carries three ritual pies and beer specially brewed for the wedding day. Senior man on the side of the bride giving praise Uastirdzhi and expresses wishes that from now on this house will be visited only by respected guests, and the wedding celebration will be pleasing to God and his dzuars (saints). senior traveler histær uazæg thanks the representatives of the bride's clan for the reception, wishes happiness to the young and well-being to the related families. After ritual dialogues, guests are invited to the house.
In contrast to the ceremonial greetings of men, girls behaved completely differently - bridesmaids. In the old days, they actively prevented the trainees from entering the house - they hit them on the neck. Then the trainees took out daggers and held them at the back of the head in order to avoid the blows of the girls. This information is also available in ethnographic literature: “Girls who are present with the bride, more often her friend, rush at the best man and tear off his Circassian coat or beshmet, in general, outer clothing, as if in revenge that they are deprived of one friend” [see. Bibliography, no. 17, p. 24].
When the participants of the wedding train enter the bride's house, they are invited to a meal, laid separately from the festive tables. As a senior, a man from the bride's clan is present at the feast of the traveler. Behind festive tables only guests from the bride's side are located. In the past, only older members of the family, mostly men, took part in the wedding feast, and for the youth it was arranged hazt (dancing). Before the start of the dance, the youth is obliged to ask the permission and blessings of the elders for the wedding feast. They, in turn, pay attention younger generation- pass glasses of honor to the participants hazta who do not have the right to appear at the feast. Dining and dancing, once fundamentally divorced in ritual, have been spatially and functionally approaching in the last two decades. So, for example, young people dance in the same room that is reserved for the feast, and even get the right to be at the wedding feast, albeit at separate tables from the older ones. This leads to the disappearance of some rituals and special folklore genres aimed at regulating the exchange between participants in different wedding lines.
At present, all the guests are sitting at the wedding tables: in the bride's house - her relatives, friends and acquaintances, and in the groom's house - representatives of his relatives. Joint dining There are no two families in the Ossetian wedding tradition.
“After the tables have already been laid, the elders should be offered a tibia on behalf of the groom, as well as a ritual drink and ritual shish kebab from mutton entrails wrapped in internal fat, for prayer” [Gardanti, p. 35]. In the modern Ossetian tradition, it is at this moment that it is customary to give gifts to the bride's relatives: in a separate room, older women from the bride's side and representatives of the wedding train gather khuynzau, who first talk about each gift and hand them over, and then go to the bride and give her. There are no descriptions of this ritual in ethnographic sources of the early 20th century. Probably, it is a late transformation of the ritual exchange of gifts, which took place sometime during the matchmaking.
The central ritual in the bride's house was putting on her a wedding dress brought by travelers. The call to him was kuhylkhætsæga And æmdzuargyna who, with three pies and a ritual drink in their hands, asked the bride's brother or other close relative for permission to start changing clothes. The bride should be dressed by a girl and a young woman, happy in family life, from the environment of the bride, having both parents. After dressing the bride, a man from her family (father's brother or his son) pronounces good wishes and covers her head with a veil.
When the bride is ready kuhylkhætsæg And æmdzurjin give gifts to those who dressed the bride. In the past, they were given sweets, now - money, and the gift itself has acquired the character of a comic bargaining. At the end of this ritual, the best man pronounces a toast, blessing the bride on the road, and together with one of his assistants - æmdzurjin or kængæ mad- Leads her by the arms hadzar[hazar] - a spacious room with a chain hanging ræhys[rahish] an unquenchable hearth, dividing the dwelling into male and female halves. Both the hearth and the chain were considered sacred objects in the Ossetian family.
Here the rite of farewell of the bride to her native hearth was performed. According to B. Kargiev from the Kurtatinsky Society, the bride walked around the hearth once, after which she kissed the chain on the hearth [see. Bibliography, No. 10, 72]. According to information from the Tagauri society of the end of the 19th century, the bride, accompanied by the best man, went around the hearth three times, after which he read a prayer, and she touched the chain [see. Bibliography, no. 17, p. 25]. Let us quote Tamara Dzadzagovna Gudiyeva (b. 1928), a story about this ceremony recorded during the expedition: “It used to be like this: before the bride was taken away [from home], she was led to a room where an overhead chain was hanging, and they let her touch it. And in the same way, already in the new house, she was attached to the hearth, so that she lived happily, lived with her family in love and harmony. Local Options The rituals differ in the number of rounds of the hearth (from one to three times), the composition of ritual actions and their distribution among the participants: for example, both the best man (with a saber or hand) and the bride (with hand or lips) could touch the chain over the hearth.
During this ceremony, a ritual song was performed alai, reflecting ancient beliefs Ossetians associated with the hearth, the patron of which is considered Safa[Shafa]. Origin of the word alai researchers elevate to the Ossetian ala(soot) or Arabic alau(flame). Execution Alai zaræg at the wedding, it was certainly accompanied by a movement in a circle: “Elderly men and women took their hands and, closing the circle in which the bride with the best man was at the hearth chain, danced and sang a song with the refrain: “Alay, oh alay” [see. Bibliography, no. 15, p. 142]. In some villages, the song sounded when the bride was brought into the room where the chain was located, in others - directly during the round, and in some cases - after the ritual [see. Bibliography, no. 15, p. 142]. Alai zaræg was timed to coincide with two ritual situations of the Ossetian wedding: the bride's farewell to her native hearth and her introduction to the hearth in her husband's house, where she also made his rounds. It is also known that alai they sang while the bride was being brought into the groom's house [cf. Bibliography, no. 17, p. 28]. Some features of the poetic organization (the cosmogonic nature of the images - likening the bride to heavenly bodies, mentioning the saints and heroes of the Nart epic as the patrons of a girl ready for marriage, majestic motives) reveal belonging alai to the songs of the initiation line of the rite.
The rite of bypassing the hearth chain existed everywhere in Ossetia as early as the 1940s and 50s and was recorded in living existence even in the 1970s. [cm. Bibliography, no. 15, p. 147], but by the end of the 20th century it was completely lost. In part, this can be explained by a change in the type of dwelling, where there was no hearth, which performed not only pragmatic, but also sacred functions. However, during the expedition, we managed to record information that at the end of the 20th century, the rite could be performed in summer kitchens or sheds, where the family shrine - the over-the-stone chain - continued to be preserved without practical use.
When the bride was taken out of the room with a hearth, a song addressed to the mother of the bride was sung Nanayy zaræg[nanayi zharag] ("mother's song"). Traditional etiquette did not allow mother and daughter to express their feelings in public, this song conveyed their emotional state. Nanayy zaræg was included in the cycle of rites of farewell of the bride to her home, marking the beginning of her transition to the social group of married women. According to the information received from the folk singers Y. Baev and S. Getoev, the mother's song also sounded before the bride left the house: “ Nanayy zaræg they sing when they are already taking her to the elders, so that they bless her before leaving the house. Then they sing it."
All poetic texts Nanayy zaræg have similar content. The trainees in it are designated as characters of lower demonology. udhæsjytæ[udhashdzhyte] (lit. “taking away the soul”), taking away the soul of the deceased on the day of his death. According to Ossetian beliefs, these creatures are merciless and invincible messengers of the ruler of the underworld, Barastyr [barashtyr], on whom human life entirely depends. Thus, in the poetics of the mother's songs, the girl's marriage is interpreted as her symbolic dying. In texts Nanayy zaræg the image of the girl-bride is revealed as an ideal daughter, mother's assistant in all household chores: she made a fire in the morning, made the bed in the evening, cleaned the bed in the morning, carried water, swept the yard, etc. In the formulaic motifs-complaints of the mother about the loss of her daughter, the idea of the girl's alienation from her kind-tribe is embodied. The poetic motifs of the mother's songs reveal a close connection with khardzhytæ[karjite], kharæg[kareg] - funeral lamentations, which in the Ossetian tradition had both solo (individual) and choral performing forms [see. Bibliography, No. 2, p.155].
The connection of the mother's songs with funeral lamentations can also be traced in the musical style. They are characterized by a descending melodic movement, declamation, short phrasing, intermittent breathing and other features that testify to their deplorable nature. In progress historical development song style Nanayy zaræg has not undergone significant changes.
If in the past the crying song Nanayy zaræg was strictly timed to coincide with the ritual of bypassing the hearth and was performed after the song alai, forming a kind of microcycle with it, then at present it can be performed when the bride leaves her father's house, approaching partly with the songs of the travellers, belonging to a different, communicative-exchange line of the rite.
Both past and present before departure chyndzhæsdzhytæ together with the bride to the groom's house, she should be blessed by the elder families. The elders' prayers are quite typified and, in addition to blessings, contain instructions to the bride.
It was said that when the bride went to the gate, the children threw sticks, logs or flowers at her feet [see. Bibliography, no. 4, p. 38]. The expedition managed to record the story of Slavik Nikolaevich Tekoiti (born in 1944) about how a mirror was carried in front of the bride, which later passed into her use: “When the bride was taken out of her parents' house, a mirror was carried in front ... Little boys also threw stones , but it was necessary that it did not break ... Not so that she saw herself carried by her friend - kuhylkhætsæg or æmdzurdzhyn. Here is another description of this rite: “When the bride was taken out of the house and put into a wagon, a mirror was held facing the bride, which is a position similar to that of a mirror in funeral rites. Thus, the bride, as a liminal being, could, according to mythological thinking, be a danger to others” [see. Bibliography, no. 3, p. 61].
The use of a mirror in wedding rituals has ancient mythological origins, in particular, it is recorded in some plots of the Nart epic. The mirror is also mentioned in the wedding song alai, timed to coincide with the rite of walking around the hearth: “The mirror is present as in a rite (it is carried anjiuargin), and in the ritual song. But if in the rite there is also a senior best man ( kuhylkhætsæg), and the second best man ( æmdzurjin) - men, then in a ritual song kuhylkhætsægom bride performing Wasgergi[a variant of the spelling of Saint Uastirdzhi], and kængæ mad- Mady Mayræm [the name of an ancient Ossetian female deity] ... After all, Mady Mairam in the texts is often superimposed on the image of Shatana [the main character of the Nart epic], who, in fact, is, according to the Nart epic, the owner magic mirror" [cm. Bibliography, No. 3, p. 56]. Unfortunately, ritual processions with a mirror have not been preserved in modern practice.
Already on the street, just before the departure of the wedding train, the bride was taken to the place where the youth danced. Zaleyka Nikolaevna Godizova (born in 1934) said: “And they had to take [the bride] out of the house and dance with her in hazt. When the travelers came, they also stood there and invited her to dance. And one of her own, and one of the trainees - of them one, two, three danced with her and gave gifts, they usually gave money.
The removal and redemption of the wedding flag was timed to the same stage of the ceremony - tyrysa[tyrysha]. Here is a description of this ritual: “After the bride was taken out, her friends carried a flag (tyrysa) into the yard - a piece of good fabric of white, pink or reddish colors, mounted on a carefully crafted shaft. A variety of men's clothing was sewn onto the flag's cloth: morocco boots, handkerchiefs, uchkur, lace for pocket watches, smoking accessories, embroidered holsters, a cord for a pistol, and so on. The bridesmaids offered chyndzhæsdzhytæ‑m to redeem him. At the same time, the amount significantly exceeded the face value of all the gifts sewn to it. Despite these conditions, the flag was redeemed. However, this was not enough, the flag had to be delivered safe and sound together with the bride to the groom's house. This task was complicated by the fact that the youth of a given quarter or village was informed in advance about the flag and prepared to take it away. The best horses were collected from all over the area and prepared, as was the case when preparing for great races” [see. Bibliography, No. 14, p. 232].
In the process of field work, we managed to record a description of this rite with a comment by Tamara Dzadzagovna Gudiyeva from the village of Gizel that the tradition of making and redeeming the flag has not been observed for a long time: “The one from the travellers, who is the fastest, stole it, the flag. The flag was prepared by relatives from the side of the bride. The one who prepared the bride prepared the flag. Who was closer to her - her mother's sister or someone like that - and so she made a flag. And then something was hung on it: a handkerchief, socks ... And so they carried it out, carried it out in front of the bride. And the horsemen galloped in a race: “I will be the first! I'll be the first and steal it!” thinking like this. I was still small, and our neighbors brought a bride from Kadgaron [a village in North Ossetia]. And now she had such a flag, but what happened next - I don’t know. In my time, there was no longer a flag.”
In the old days, not to keep the flag and not deliver it to the groom's house was considered a great shame for the travellers. If the flag could be recaptured, then the groom's relatives ransomed it again and this time they took it to his house without hindrance. There it was shown along with the bride's dowry, and after that it came into her use.
In the minds of the Ossetians tyrysa endowed with magical properties and in connection with this was widely used in family rituals. In particular, they covered a woman in difficult childbirth or a child during an illness. However, the magical properties of the wedding flag extended only to its mistress and her children. This rite existed until the 1930s and 40s, but now it is no longer found in the Ossetian cultural tradition.
Before leaving the bride's house, travelers are supposed to bring three Ossetian pies, three ribs of a sacrificial animal and a ritual drink. If the path to the groom's house lies near the holy places, the wedding procession visits them, and the travelers offer prayers, asking God for happiness and prosperity for the young. After the departure of the wedding train, the feast at the bride's house continues.
During the bride's departure from the parental home, the trainees sing songs chyndzhæsdzhyty zaræg. Their main content was connected with instructions and good wishes to the bride, representatives of her family and the family of the groom. The presence in these songs of appeals to the deities and heroes of the Ossetian epic gives them a hymn and partly brings them closer to epic and mythological songs.
In the texts, the image of the trainees has a different interpretation. The bride's relatives perceive them as destroyers of family and social connections, therefore, as in Nanayy zaræg, the trainees are called udhæsjytæ("carrying away the soul of the bride"). For the groom's relatives, travelers are welcome guests, bringing into the house a continuer of life and a source of grace - farn.
Although chyndzhæsdzhyty zaræg, like other wedding songs, are performed by trainees, they contain a hidden dialogue. The lyrics of the songs begin with greetings addressed to the bride's relatives, when the travelers come to pick up the girl on the wedding day, and when the wedding train meets the groom's relatives at his house.
The motif of movement is of great importance in the poetics of the trainmen's songs: the movement of the wedding train is described in them with the help of verbs: we are taking away, we are taking away, we are leaving, etc. The metaphorical likening of the bride to birds: a crow, a jackdaw, a sparrow is also connected with this. In the tunes, the motor-motor principle is accentuated, which is associated with the organization of the wedding procession. This also determines the means of musical expression: the principle of rhythmic uniform pulsation, the constancy of the length of melodies, a fairly mobile tempo, the absence of stops at the end of individual musical phrases and the stanza as a whole. All these features point to the genetic connection of this group of poezdzhan songs with the genres of song and choreographic folklore. Due to the fact that in a modern wedding, trainees drive cars, and do not walk, these songs are gradually losing their relevance.
The songs of this group also sound when chyndzhæsdzhytæ they introduce the bride into the groom's house, ensuring her safe transition from her clan to the groom's clan, which is embodied in the poetic formula Amondjin qah ærkhæssa[amonjyn kah erkhesha] (“Let him enter with a happy foot”). Most detailed description the meeting of the wedding train with the bride in the groom's house was compiled by B. Kargiev: “Approaching the groom's house, the friends begin to shoot from rifles, thereby announcing their return. Several riders rush forward and, galloping to the groom's house, try to break through on horseback into hædzar. OK, when hædzar with an earthen floor and is at ground level, but it also happens that high steps lead to the threshold. But even then there are times when riders break into hædzar. It used to be a kind of sporting event, and the winner would receive three pies and a decanter of araki. He carried his booty out into the yard, sitting on a horse, and gave it to his comrades standing in the yard. They thanked him for his courage and courage, wished him long happy years of life, among their beloved peers.
By the arrival of the bride, all the elderly neighbors and relatives, all the youth of the village gather at the groom's house, a full yard of joyfully excited people gathers. Accompanying the bride shoot from a rifle. Having driven into the yard, the bride is helped to get off the cart, the riders also dismount. The best man and godfather take the bride by the arms from both sides, and the solemn procession headed by the bride goes to hædzar; escorts sing a wedding song” [see p. Bibliography, No. 10].
The bride was placed in the far right corner of the room, facing east, which is associated with ancient mythological ideas: “In the Ossetian tradition, a sacred pillar is fixed, standing in the western corner of the sakli and decorated with horns of domestic and wild animals. According to beliefs, the “head angel” of the whole family lives in it (that is, the spirit of the ancestor and patron, the collective soul of the members of this family). Such a decoding of the representations associated with this pillar follows already from its very name “saryzad”, which just means “angel of the head”” [see. Bibliography, no. 12, p. 127].
According to Ossetian beliefs, a bride entering a new home as future wife and mother brings into it farn- peace, prosperity, abundance, happiness (often symbolically depicted in the form of ram horns). Standing in the western corner of the central room, the bride comes into contact with the patron spirits of the dwelling, who guard and protect her. IN modern tradition the spatial aspect in the organization of wedding rituals is ignored, as they are transferred to celebration halls, restaurants, etc.
The function of introducing the future hostess to the groom's family was also performed by the bride, accompanied by the best man, bypassing the hearth in the groom's house - mirror reflection ritual that took place in the bride's house. After that, the older women of the groom's clan fed the bride with a carefully ground mixture of honey and butter, made in the girl's house and handed over by the travelers along with the flag and other ritual objects. The name of this dish gave rise to the name of the ritual - mydykus[mydykush] (lit. "a bowl of honey"). According to T.D. Gudiyeva, taste mydykus was supposed to contribute to the prosperous life of the newlyweds: "To live as sweet as honey, and united like a bee hive." It is known that in the past the rite of mydykus was a strictly organized ritual ceremony. First, the young woman smeared the base of the hearth with fat: “The bride, coming to her husband’s house, brings with her a drink of immortality - mydykus, a symbol of the immortality of the genus. Lubrication of the base of the hearth, in this case, symbolizes the inextinguishability of the fire, and, consequently, life in this house. Bibliography, no. 3, p. 74]. Then, as a sign of respect and "boundless humility," she lubricated her mother-in-law's shoes. Waggka Zattiati (born 1922) says: “The new bride was brought into the room, and the hostess sat on a chair. And she [the bride] smeared her shoes with mutton fat. This was done as a sign that the bride loved her very much. The mother-in-law, in turn, poured malt on her daughter-in-law's head - as a wish for the young to have a rich life. Only then did the ceremony take place. mydykus- the young woman treated all the women present with a mixture of honey and butter. It is this episode of the rite, associated with feeding-coaxing, that continues to live in a modern Ossetian wedding and goes as follows: first, the eldest of the women asks the patron saints for happy life young woman, and then feeds her. The daughter-in-law and the mother-in-law treat each other with mydykus, the mother-in-law wishes the daughter-in-law a sweet life; after this, the bride feeds in turn all the older women of the groom's clan.
As J. Shanaev writes, “upon completion of this ceremony, the boys present snatch a cup of the mixture from the mother-in-law’s hand and, running out into the yard, divide the mixture among themselves” [see. Bibliography, no. 17, p. 28]. In this case, the bowl went to the one who managed to steal it.
Right after mydykus passed the ceremony of removing the veil from the bride - khyzisæn[hyzhishan] (“removing the veil”), although in different years and in different gorges these rituals could change places. One of the obligatory attributes of this rite is særyzæd[sheryzhed] (“angel of the head”) - a special flag with which the veil was removed from the bride's head. It is deeply symbolic that the wedding flag and the western corner of the house where this ceremony was held in the past [see. Bibliography, No. 5, p. 20], had identical names. A wedding flag - a thin stick with a pointed end, to which a white or blue fabric is attached - is made by the bride's relatives. It was believed that the fabric for the flag could not be cut with scissors. Now the old ways of making særyzæd are no longer respected - around the perimeter, the wedding flag is sheathed with a silk ribbon in a traditional color scheme(red, pink or blue): "The choice of colors of the flag is associated with the worldview of the people, so red and pink are closely associated with the concepts of fertility, and white and blue with the concepts of purity" [see. Bibliography, no. 14, p. 120]. The scientific literature describes a tradition according to which “a shred was torn off from særyzæd and sent to the sanctuary with three pies. Uastirdzhi; and there this patch was tied to the horns of a deer, after they had prayed” [see. Bibliography, no. 8, p. 262]. T.D. Gudieva pointed out that most often the wedding flag long years kept in a conspicuous place of the female half of the house as a symbol of the purity of the bride: “ Særyzæd kept over the stove for a long time and then taken to the attic. For this, three pies were specially made, they rose with them, prayed and placed særyzæd on the ceiling beam - so that it is high. If the bride turned out to be unchaste, then on the morning after the wedding night, the flag was thrown into the street” [see. Bibliography, no. 11, p. 262–263].
There is evidence that in the ceremony of removing the veil, instead of a flag, they could use a naked saber, a rifle bayonet, a dagger, a ramrod, or simply a sharpened stick. Before the beginning of the rite, the eldest of those present says prayer, asking God and the saints for blessings for the young woman, wishing her all the best. After hyzisæg leads a flag over the bride's head, pronouncing the text of the spell sentence:
Farn, farn, farn!
Seven sons and one blue-eyed daughter!
Farn, farn, farn!
Like a mother hen - many children!
Farn, farn, farn!
Like a bear - prolific!
Farn, farn, farn!
Like a ram - strong-necked!
Farn, farn, farn!
Family love!
Farn, farn, farn!
Neighbors - respected!
Farn, farn, farn!
Seven sons and one blue-eyed daughter!
Sometimes the ceremony was performed in the courtyard near a fruit-bearing tree: “Another version of the ceremony of removing the veil took place near the tree. For this, the bride was taken out into the yard, always to a fruit-bearing tree, and there hyzisæg three times he circled the flag around the bride's head with a verbal formula known to us, then raised the veil and passed the flag along the branches of the tree, and only then the flag was entered into the Hadzar. By this moment, seven guærtæ(small round cheese pies) laid out on one round tray, which, after the ceremony, the boys tried to steal” [see. Bibliography, no. 3, p. 81].
A more detailed version of the rite, associated with the ritual feeding of higher divine powers, saints and household patrons, can be found in the descriptions of M. Gardanti, referring to late XIX- the beginning of the 20th century: “9 pies and 3 cakes are prepared:
- God has three pies;
- Brownie three pies;
― Mayrænæn three pies;
― Særizædæn three cakes.
An offering is also laid for them: cotton wool, a piece of white cloth and a golden thread. Kuhylkhætsæg must pray and dedicate three pies to God, after which the veil is removed. From there, kuhylkhætsæg with girls and boys leads the bride to the tree - Særizæd. If there is a tree in the yard, then the most beautiful fruit-bearing tree is considered to be Særizæd. There, kuhylkhætsæg dedicates the pies intended for the brownie to Mada Mairam and Særizad. He places the offerings under the branches of the tree and takes the bride into the room” [see p. Bibliography, no. 4, p. 38–39].
During the expedition, we managed to record from Rakhanat Dugusovna Tavitti (born in 1928) a peculiar version of this rite, connected with the participation of a woman from the bride’s clan in it and timed to coincide with the second day of the wedding: “They bring her into the Hadzar, remove the veil. Inside, there are two capes [two veils] on it. And the inner one is larger, and the outer one, which is removed, is smaller. And they take it off, and twist it three times, and women sit on the side. And the one that was the eldest was tied on her head. And the cape remains with her. This evidence evokes analogies with the ritual described in the work of B. Kaloev, when the scarf taken from the bride was handed over to an elderly woman from the bride’s relatives: “After the prayer of the best man or one of the men present, one of the closest relatives of the groom, called “khyzisag” (“removing the scarf”), took a ramrod or rifle bayonet and with the tip took out from under the bride’s scarf a small white piece of calico or calico, which the bride brought with her. Khyzisag, considered the bride's third "brother", raised a ramrod with a piece of cloth high above the bride's head, circled it three times around her head and said: happiness, nine boys and one blue-eyed girl"). After that, he dumped matter on one of the elderly female relatives. She tied her head and danced with her husband if he was present. The old woman took a piece of cloth with her" [see. Bibliography, no. 9, p. 166]. The custom of handing over the kerchief of the bride to the eldest of the relatives present is still common among Turkish Ossetians, which indicates the antiquity of its origins.
The ceremony of removing the bride's veil could be performed on the second and third day of the wedding, but always before the wedding night. Currently, it takes place on the day of the arrival of the bride's relatives and the bringing of the dowry.
Civil registration of marriage had a significant impact on the structure and content of the Ossetian wedding. As a rule, it takes place on the wedding day, but in some cases it takes place much earlier than the wedding ceremony itself or after it. The place of registration is the registry office, but also the house of the bride or groom. This led to the abolition of the custom, according to which the groom had to hide in the best man's house, since he was not allowed to be in sight: “The marriage custom of hiding the groom was based on both mythological models and the military-democratic, knightly traditions of the Ossetians. At the same time, this custom contributed to the observance of the ethical complex of the Ossetians - æfsarm[efsharm] (“conscience”, “honor”, “modesty”, “decency”, “virtue”), which cultivated personal restraint and observance of social norms by the young” [see. Bibliography, no. 3, p. 76].
For the same reason, the once very important prohibition to reveal the face of the bride before the ceremony described above is violated. khyzisæn. So, during the wedding, the groom stands next to the bride, whose face is open, which contradicts traditional ideas. Revealing the bride's face before she moves to the groom's house, according to popular belief, weakens her vitality and negatively affects those around [see. Bibliography, no. 3, p. 76].
At the end of the 19th century, there was a tradition according to which the groom on the wedding day and for the first time after it should not appear in father's house; he was supposed to visit kuhylkhætsæga. According to Z.N. Godizova from with. Galiat, “a week after the wedding, the groom did not appear in front of his family and friends. Only when it got dark did he go into his room. It doesn't last long, about five days." The relationship between the groom and the best man during this period was reflected in folk terminology: the best man in this context is called physym[pyshym] (lit. "owner"), and the groom - khan[kan] (lit. "pupil"). According to ethnographic sources of the first quarter of the 20th century, it is known that a young man could hide from relatives for a sufficiently long period of time and visit his spouse secretly: “In a traditional society, a newlywed had to live in a “foreign house” until a year old or before the birth of a child, over time this the term was shortened” [cf. Bibliography, no. 3, p. 120].
According to traditional etiquette, on their wedding night, the newlyweds were supposed to exercise restraint in their relationship. For these purposes, in the old days, a special corset was made for the bride - hælynkærts[helynkers] (lit. "untie a fur coat"). According to archival data, “even now, sometimes the bridesmaids rub the lace with soap or tightly tighten the knots, so that the bride becomes hard to breathe. They do this so that on the first night it was hard for the guy to take off hælynkærts. Then they watch how he untied it - with his hands or cut it with a dagger. The groom had no right to touch his wife until he unties the corset. He was strictly forbidden to use any sharp objects to untie the cord or braid. If it became known that the cord was nevertheless cut or torn, then this was a great shame for the man: “And if he [the groom] cannot untie it [khælynkærts] in one night, it still cannot be cut.” After removing the corset, all the details were supposed to be returned to the craftswoman who made it, attaching a gift. T.D. Gudieva said: “After a couple of weeks, the groom visited the bride’s house and took the corset with him to show how he untied it carefully. And of course - with a gift for the one who sewed it. For example, tights and a handkerchief, well, or something else ... probably, there were those who could not untie. But it was embarrassing. Honor was for those who did not cut, but were able to carefully untie the corset. This custom, despite the fact that the newlyweds in the traditional community could not have known each other before the wedding, most likely performed a psychological function, allowing the spouses to get used to each other.
At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, information was recorded that on the wedding night, young people, hiding in secluded corners, eavesdropped and spied on the newlyweds or arranged for them a noisy obstruction. It was believed that by doing so they prevented the dark forces from influencing the young.
Currently, the rituals of the first wedding night are completely excluded from the wedding ritual. In a modern Ossetian wedding, the groom does not come to the bride only on the first night, and then only if the wedding is played for two days. After the completion of the main wedding rituals and the end of the feast, the friends take the groom to the bride’s room and, with the wishes of a prosperous life and healthy offspring, leave the young alone.
In the morning after the wedding night, a cycle of post-wedding ceremonies began, connected with the trials of the young woman and her initiation into tribal cults. Starting from that time, the behavior of a young daughter-in-law in her husband's house was strictly regulated - she was not allowed to talk with older men of the family and sit down in their presence, in addition, she had to catch their eyes as little as possible.
The young wife's first duty was to sweep the street early in the morning, while it was still dark. This work should traditionally be performed by every housewife. Bulat Gappoevich Gazdanov (b. 1936) recalled: “It also happened that every morning the bride had to sweep the street from one corner to another. But she couldn’t do it alone, so the girls gathered and helped her. And it was necessary to finish sweeping while it was still dark, and whoever had shutters, the shutters were opened.
In the post-wedding period, a dowry could be brought - gifts from the bride to the groom's relatives, as well as fabrics, bed linen and personal clothes of a young woman. The chest with the goodness of the bride was transported by travelers or trusted representatives of the groom’s family specially invited for this purpose: “On the third day of the wedding, the bride’s chest is opened and gifts are distributed to those for whom they are prepared.” Later, gifts began to be distributed on the second day of the wedding after arrival. khuyndzæutæ, among which, according to custom, there should not have been the father and mother of the bride: “On this day, women gather and open her [bride's] chest. The one present who was the first to throw his headdress into the bride's chest received a gift.
At present, the bringing of a dowry is formalized as an independent rite. From the close relatives of the young woman, a middle-aged married woman is selected, who, upon arrival at the groom’s house, “reads” (that is, names and characterizes) all the gifts brought. Mandatory among them are gifts to the father-in-law, mother-in-law, the eldest of the husband's surname and the main wedding ranks.
The most archaic and completely obsolete post-wedding ritual is the visit to the sanctuary. Mady-Mayram: “Three days later, after the bride was brought into the house, the veil was sent to the sanctuary Mady-Mayram with three pies to be carried by the girls. Those women whom they met had to consecrate the pies with a prayer in which they asked for a happy offspring for the young bride. At the same time, during the prayer, the veil was thrown up three times or the girls threw the veil among themselves. Pies were to be eaten, ritual offerings were left in the sanctuary, and the veil was taken back home” [see pp. Bibliography, no. 3, p. 82]. Often the bride herself visited the ritual sanctuary: “On that day, on the second day, the bride was taken to the sanctuary of Madimairæm with three pies, a decanter, a bowl of beer. There they prayed and entrusted the bride to Madimairem. An offering was also left there: beads in a silk rag or wadding, or what was ”[see. Bibliography, no. 8, p. 270].
Among the very interesting post-wedding rites, little covered in the scientific literature, is the rite of bringing the bride to the water. According to the memoirs of Zaleika Nikolaevna Godizova-Temiraeva (b. 1934), “dressed in a wedding dress, she [the bride] was led to the water. They played the harmonica, sang, clapped, and the bride took water in a bucket with a bowl. But she was not allowed to take a full bucket, well, because the bride in wedding dress, so as not to carry a heavy bucket, about half. And they returned, and then the youth began to dance.
Three pies and a ritual drink were carried to the water, they went with songs and dances. The older woman offered a prayer, after which he settled down hazt. The timing of the ceremony varied, based on the needs of the family. If the hostess in the house of the spouse was elderly and it was hard for her to carry water, then the ritual was performed on the second or third day after the wedding. If there were older daughters-in-law or daughters in the house, then the withdrawal of the young woman to the water could be carried out even a month after the wedding. S.N. Tekoiti (b. 1944) said: “They take the bride to the water, and she draws water for other women. This is so that she can already go out for water. She is specially led to the water, well, about a week after the wedding. They bring three cakes with them to the stream, and the older women pray.
In some places, the rite of bringing a young daughter-in-law to the water had the character of a community action and was timed to spring holiday casuæ[kashute], when a ritual procession to the river of young women of the village, who got married during the past year, but had not yet given birth to children, took place. During this celebration, from morning to evening, a street meal continued, people offered up prayers to God, had fun, sang, and danced. The daughter-in-law, accompanied by girls and other young women, as well as the best man and boyfriends, went to the river. The participants in the procession carried with them three cheese pies specially prepared for the holiday and a ritual drink. The eldest of the accompanying women prayed to God, asked him that the young woman be abundant in the womb and that the race into which she came multiplied. By the river they offered prayers to water spirits - dony chyzytæn(lit. "water girls", mermaids) so that they protect people from troubles and floods and do not deprive the young woman of their grace. After praying, the young woman scooped up water and, accompanied by the same persons, carried it home. In reply æfsin(mother-in-law) thanked everyone who went with the bride, saying: “May the grace of the mermaids be upon you, may Donbettyr protect you [in the Nart epos, lord water kingdom] and may your life be as free as the waters flowing to the sea” [G.A. Agnaev. Iron ægdau].
Some sources contain information that the conclusion of the bride to the water could be timed to coincide with the holiday of the New Year cycle. donyskæfæn: “The bride did not go for water until she was taken away during the holiday. During the holiday donyskæfæn the bride is taken to the river and dances are arranged. They carry water with them in jugs. After that, the bride begins to go for water. On this day, the bride last time wore a wedding dress.
As observations show, in the modern Ossetian tradition, post-wedding rituals are almost completely out of use, only the canons of the behavior of a young daughter-in-law in her husband's house are in force. At the same time, the ceremony of carrying a dowry, described in early ethnographic sources mainly in an ordinary way, gets a new life thanks to the spectacle and the playful beginning, which corresponds to the image of the Ossetian wedding tradition in the present.
Araka - Ossetian moonshine; obligatory drink of any Ossetian feast, Ossetians were taught to make araka, according to legend, by devils.
In the 15th-16th centuries, Ossetian societies formed in the mountains. Each of them occupied a certain territory. The border between neighboring societies most often served as mountain ranges. Some societies were located in separate large gorges. Others occupied several small gorges and mountain valleys, separated by low passes.
I. Introduction.
II. Etiquette:
Appearance of an Ossetian
hospitality
respect for women
respect for ancestors and elders
brotherhood, friendship...
III. Customs, rituals, beliefs:
hearth fire and supra-heart chain
beliefs
Russian saints on Alan land
IV. Conclusion.
INTRODUCTION
Traditional Ossetian culture, associated with customs, is, in essence, the hallmark of the Ossetian people. National achievements and national losses, the historical claim of the nation to be realized, a worldview that focuses on a worthy existence among other nations and on survival in a world full of upheavals - all this, compressed in the national Ossetian rules of social behavior, is what this part of Ossetian culture shows us. .
Today, when in the expanses of the former Soviet state it is impossible to find a single nation that has not experienced a crisis of spirit, a book describing Ossetian customs, expressed in the traditional culture of the people - holidays, rituals, prayers, is living water that can support the spirit of the people, help us cleanse ourselves from those stratifications that sometimes hide the true humanistic meaning of a particular tradition, to reveal both to oneself and to the surrounding peoples pure soul, a receptacle of colorful national values, among which the consciousness of duty to the generations that lived before and those who will come after us should take the first place.
Ossetian customs are a majestic appeal and reminder addressed to the hearts of the people. And if we are inclined to actively desire dignity and well-being for ourselves, then we must incline our ears to this call. Such a spiritual effort will, apparently, become the first act on the way to historical creativity and therefore a guarantee of rebirth. And if we talk a lot about the troubles that are multiplying before our eyes, then we should also think about efforts commensurate with them, which, unfortunately, we do not observe, since we do not have the relevant experience. Accounting for precisely this circumstance gives us reason to believe that the "Book of Customs" is capable of replacing the school of such experience.
Nothing - neither weapons nor hope in our saints, to whom we have forgotten how to address soberly and sincerely, with emotional excitement, we will not be able to neutralize the difficulties that the coming age brings with it. The only means is to rely on our own spirit and our own history, unfortunately not yet written, but, fortunately, living in our customs, with which we must be able to handle, distinguishing in their external form and content. The form is obvious, but the content, hidden from a superficial glance and obliging to act, requires reflection in order to reveal in all its original purity the great idea that constitutes the essence of the custom. Discoveries of this kind will make us richer, and give our actions the confidence that is so necessary before we enter the 20th century, fraught with upheavals that are already ripening in the bowels of today. modern society. The book of customs offered to readers pursues this noble goal. And therefore, whoever wants to touch the life-giving power of the ideas that make up the essence of custom, will do it without interference, since the book is bilingual.
Gastan AGNAEV
ETIQUETTE.
APPEARANCE OF THE OSSETIAN.
Ossetians were beautiful and slender,
the Arabs were drawn to their beauty.
Ossetians were famous in Arabia. Their
taken in order to
beautiful for his generation.
3. CHICHINADZE
They (Scythians) have regular facial features. Faces are often stern. Straight long hair falls down to the shoulders. Most have beards and mustaches.
Y. V. DOMANSKY (214, p. 49)
Thus spoke Makent, and in dress and language like the Alans. For both are the same among the Alans and the Scythians; only Alans don't wear such long hair, like the Scythians, but Makent, in order to resemble them, cut his hair as much as was necessary to destroy the difference between Alan and Scythian.
LUCIAN. 2nd century (201, p. 52)
Almost all Alans are tall and handsome, with moderately blond hair, they are terrible with a restrained menacing look of their eyes, they are very mobile due to the lightness of weapons and are similar to the Huns in everything, only with a softer and more cultured way of life...
They had no concept of slavery, being all of the same noble birth. Ossetians are physically strong, excellent walkers in the mountains, tall, with a properly developed chest, have good mental faculties and the gift of words.
Ossetians are rather slender people, sturdy and strong, usually of medium height: men reach 5 feet 2-4 inches. Ossetians are not fat, but wiry and broad, especially women. They differ from their neighbors mainly in facial features, hair color and eyes that resemble Europeans. Among the Ossetians are often found Blue eyes, blond and brown hair; black hair is almost never seen. They are healthy people and have a large offspring.
Y. KLAPROT. 1807-1808 (24, pp. 156-157)
Here in Vladikavkaz you will not even see men in hats and women in headscarves. The women dress fashionably and do their hair. Older men, with grayish hair and significant faces, resemble characters from Western movies. Ossetians have a completely European appearance... Ossetians, earlier than other North Caucasian peoples, embarked on the path of modern development...
Ossetians in their anthropological appearance are generally similar to other Caucasians. But still they are somewhat different from their neighbors - Vainakhs (Chechens) in the east, Kabardians in the west, Georgians in the south ... Men are taller than average, with a dense build, with a massive skull and large, expressive features. Men for the most part black-haired; among women, like other Caucasian highlanders, there are many brown-haired women, sometimes with a reddish tinge of hair, but the local women are brighter, interesting in a European way.
A. F. GOLDSTEIN. 1977 (12, pp. 267, 277)
The face, with great regularity of features, is interesting, and even if the Ossetian does not strive for education, then nevertheless one feels in him a living understanding of everything that happens. Blond or brown hair covers his round rather than elongated head, and reveals a small but not small forehead. For the most part, blue and large eyes in women have some kind of soft, while in men, on the contrary, some kind of calm expression. The wild look that distinguishes the Circassians, like all Caucasian inhabitants, is absent from the Ossetians...
Such are the Ossetians from the interior of the country, such are the Keshelts (Cheselts), Kudari, Digors, and others. Their pleasant appearance is enhanced by the friendliness, I would say the courtesy with which they meet every stranger. All their movements are rounded, they walk with a firm step. I saw in Kola (a village in the Java region) a 16-year-old girl who drove bulls in front of her, dressed in rags, and despite this, I was delighted with her posture, gait and all her movements more than her dazzling beauty .. .
An old, dignified Ossetian approached me, inviting me to his place. I did not consider it possible to refuse, and we went to his house, located on the opposite hill of Pron and included in the village of Tormaneuli ...
With joy I looked at the beautiful tall figures of young women dressed in incomparable blue dresses and busy preparing bread. If Dubois and Sjögren had seen them the way I saw them, they would not have made the mistake of recognizing the Finnish origin of the Ossetians. Women walked with dignity and all their movements were beautiful. I was infinitely sorry that they left after the bread was baked...
K. KOCH. 1837-1838 (24, pp. 251-274)
In general, the anthropology of the Ossetians differs significantly from the anthropology of other peoples of the Caucasus; blond hair and gray or blue eyes are common. Ossetians tall and lean... The body of Ossetians is healthy and strong.
E. ZICHI (24, p. 291-292)
Talking once in Tiflis with an Ossetian, I told him that among scientists in Germany it is widely believed that we Germans are of the same race as Ossetians and our ancestors inhabited the Caucasus Mountains in former times. In response, the Ossetian made fun of me; he was a very handsome man with a Circassian eagle profile; an educated Russian standing next to me agreed with him. A Württemberg peasant from the Marienfeld colony was just passing by. The clumsy figure of this German, his broad face with a sleepy expression and swaying gait, differed sharply from the flexible, beautiful figure of a Caucasian. “How can it be,” exclaimed the Russian, “for you to be so reckless and recognize two peoples of such a different type as belonging to the same race? No, the ancestors of these two people could also fly out of the same nest, like a falcon and a turkey. You see, this Ossetian and that German do the same work, they work the fields and tend the herds. Send your peasants to the high mountains and dress everyone in Caucasian clothes, after all, Ossetians will never come out of them ... Even in a thousand years it will be possible to distinguish their great-grandchildren from a mile away.
But what in Vladikavkaz strikes the visitor from Russia most of all is the types of real highlanders. Another is poorly dressed, and his horse is not worth God knows what, but the whole figure of the rider, with his original fit, wrapped in a hood, in a cloak, put on his side, with a rifle over his shoulders, a saber and a dagger, - and asking for a picture.
M. Vladykin. 1885 (258, p. 98)
HOSPITALITY.
Hospitality is still
an outstanding feature of the Ossetians.
V. F. MILLER
Ossetians strictly observe the laws of hospitality and there are almost no examples of someone breaking them or offending their guest. However, if such a case takes place, then the whole village gathers to judge the offender, and usually a sentence is passed to throw him with his hands and feet tied from a cliff into the river.
The Ossetian defends the guest (kunak) as himself and dies rather than surrendering his body to the enemy; he takes upon himself blood vengeance for him... They are generous, share their livelihood among the needy, helpful, do not refuse a friend who asks. They receive a guest with the following words: “My house is your house; I and all mine are yours." Those who are under their protection are treated like relatives and do not hand over fugitives.
Ossetians are a people living in the Caucasus, descendants of the Alans, the main population of Ossetia: the republics of North Ossetia Alania and South Ossetia. also live in other areas Russian Federation, in Georgia, Turkey and other countries. Ossetian language belongs to the Iranian group Indo-European family languages; Ossetians are mostly bilingual (bilingual Ossetian-Russian, less often Ossetian-Georgian or Ossetian-Turkish)
Along with hospitality, the Ossetians had a custom of kunakry, called khunakh (kunak), lyman (friend), khion uazag (own guest). Kunachestvo, passed down from generation to generation, has long been widespread among the Ossetians and their closest neighbors, the Georgians, Ingush, Balkars, and Kabardians.
Everything that is considered indecent for any civilized feast is not accepted at the Ossetian table either. - The table is a holy place. Behind him you can not swear, swear, slander. - Grandfather and grandson, father and son, uncle and nephew, father-in-law and son-in-law, brothers did not sit at the same table in Ossetia. By violating this custom, those who are younger in age or in position show disrespect for elders. - Smoking at the table - a manifestation of disrespect for others.
The head of the feast loudly offers a prayer to God and all the saints worshiped by the Ossetians, and blesses three pirogues. Only after the first glass you can start the meal. A characteristic feature of the Ossetian table is still the solemn presentation of an honorary glass to a certain person or group of people. This custom reflects the life of the ancestors of the Ossetians.
At the heart of the power system local residents there are meat dishes, which are most often cooked in a camping cauldron and seasoned with a sour cream-based spicy sauce. The preparation of cheese and stuffed cakes (khychin) is widespread in Ossetia itself; these products are very popular outside the region.
On holidays in Ossetia and today, to offer the first prayer to God and consecrate three ritual pies to the elder, Ossetian beer is often poured into a special carved wooden vessel - “baganyy kus”. Until now, Ossetians strictly adhere to certain rules when passing an honorary glass at the table. The recipient of the nuazan has the right to transfer it to another person only with the permission of the elder. In the old days, among the lowland Ossetians, a guest did not have the right to leave until the owner of the house presented him with his own (a glass for the guest).
IN national culture dance culture takes pride of place. There are several types of dances: mass dance /simd/, couple dances (tym-byl kaft, etc.), slow dance (khongækaft), male solo dance on toes (horn kaft). Each of the dances has its own music, performed on the Ossetian accordion (fændyr), stringed musical instruments are also used.
In various gorges of Ossetia, and often in various villages, many holidays were celebrated in many respects differing from each other in content and forms of celebration. It is impossible to describe all of them in this project. Therefore, the following are the holidays that, to one degree or another, were common to the whole people or most of it.
Tarangeloz is the deity of fertility, his sanctuary is located in the Trusovsky Gorge, on the top of a high mountain. The holiday is celebrated three weeks after Easter on Sunday. The youth arranged races, demonstrating their dexterity and prowess. The old people, having performed a certain prayer ritual, asked Tarangeloz to send down grace, then they would never need bread and grain. Kuadzan (Easter) - one of the most beloved holidays by Ossetians, falls on the second or third Sunday of April, on the first Sunday after the full moon. Nobgon - New Year according to the old style - one of the Ossetians' favorite holidays falls on January. Donyskafan (the feast of drawing water) was celebrated 6 days after the New Year. Early in the morning, the young daughter-in-law or one of the young women went to fetch water. The sooner they did it, the better.
