What ideology did the Petrashevites have. The defeat of the circle of Petrashevists and arrests

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Petrashevtsy- Convicted in 1849, participants in meetings with Mikhail Butashevich-Petrashevsky. Being all "free-thinkers" in one way or another, the Petrashevites were heterogeneous in their views. Few had intentions of a directly revolutionary nature, some were engaged in the study and propaganda of the socio-utopian thought of the 19th century (contemporaries often called the Petrashevists “communists”). A significant part of the convicts were punished only for disseminating or for not informing about meetings. Petrashevsky's circle went down in history, among other things, because of the participation of the young Dostoevsky in it and because of the unusual rite of staging preparations for a public execution, which amazed contemporaries, which the convicts underwent, who did not know that they had been pardoned.

Meeting participants. Circles close to the Petrashevites

In history literature XIX century the so-called Petrashevsky affair, or Petrashevists, occupies a prominent place, because so many writers and scientists did not participate in any of the Russian political processes. In addition to Petrashevsky himself, who published under the pseudonym Kirillov the wonderful Dictionary foreign words”, Dostoevsky, Pleshcheev, Palm, Durov, Tol, chemist F. Lvov, hygienist D. D. Akhsharumov were involved - they were directly involved, because they were on Fridays of Petrashevsky and were rewritten there.

But the circle of Petrashevsky, through its individual members (Durov, mainly), stood in close connection with many others, where they argued in exactly the same spirit about the oppression of censorship, about the disgrace of serfdom, about the venality of the bureaucracy, where the theories of Cabet were read and commented with passionate interest , Fourier, Proudhon, and, finally, obeyed with delight.

One of these circles met with Irinarkh Vvedensky; young writers and students G. E. Blagosvetlov, A. P. Milyukov and N. G. Chernyshevsky belonged to the number of its participants. The well-known memoirist F. F. Vigel, who knew about these meetings and their close connection with the meetings at Petrashevsky, made a denunciation in this sense, and only the lack of accurate information from Liprandi, and most of all the intercession of Rostovtsev, who loved Vvedensky very much, saved the latter and his friends .

In addition, many of those who were at the meetings near Petrashevsky himself eluded persecution, such as V. A. Engelson, later an active participant in Herzenov's "Polar Star", a well-known theorist of Slavophilism - Nikolai Danilevsky, M. E. Saltykov-Shchedrin and for a long time Apollo Maykov, who diligently attended Petrashevsky Fridays.

Finally, two writers can be reckoned among the Petrashevskys, who did not fall into the number of defendants only because they died. before the start investigations: Valerian Maykov and Belinsky. Valerian Maikov was very friendly with Petrashevsky and received great participation in compiling Kirillov's Dictionary of Foreign Words, which was one of the largest corpus delicti of the process.

In general, the dictionary is a living reflection of the ideas that came to Russia from France in the forties.

Dostoevsky says in The Writer's Diary: "The name Petrashevtsy is incorrect, for it is excessively big number in comparison with those standing on the scaffold, but exactly the same as us, P. remained completely untouched and undisturbed. True, they never knew Petrashevsky, but it was not at all in Petrashevsky that the point was in all this long ago. past history". The Petrashevites were, in essence, only pioneers of ideas, which in a few years became an integral part of the government program.

Sentence

The military court dressed over them, however, found that “the pernicious doctrines that gave rise to unrest and rebellion throughout Western Europe and threatening to overthrow every order and well-being of the peoples, responded to some extent in our fatherland. A handful of people completely insignificant, for the most part young and immoral, dreamed of the opportunity to trample on the most sacred rights of religion, law and property.

All defendants were sentenced to death penalty- shooting; but, taking into account various mitigating circumstances, including the repentance of all the defendants, the court considered it possible to petition for a reduction in their punishment, and Palm even asked for a complete forgiveness. The punishments were really mitigated: Petrashevsky was assigned hard labor without a term, Dostoevsky - hard labor for 4 years with return to the privates, Durov - the same thing, Tolya - 2 years of hard labor, Chernosvitov - exile to the Kexholm fortress, on the Vuoksa River, Pleshcheev - return to the privates in the Orenburg line battalions, etc. Palm was transferred with the same rank to the army.

mock execution

Despite this softening, the Petrashevites had to endure, as Dostoevsky recalls with a shudder, "ten terrible, immensely terrible minutes of waiting for death."

December 22, 1849 (January 3, 1850) they were brought from Peter and Paul Fortress(where each of them spent 8 months in solitary confinement) on the Semyonovsky parade ground. The confirmation of the death warrant was read to them; a priest in a black robe approached with a cross in his hand, they broke a sword over the head of the nobles; all but Palm were put on death shirts. Petrashevsky, Mombelli and Grigoriev were blindfolded and tied to a post. The officer ordered the soldiers to aim ... One Kashkin, to whom the chief police officer Galakhov, who was standing next to him, managed to whisper that everyone would be pardoned, knew that all this was just a ceremony; the rest said goodbye to life and prepared for the transition to another world.

Grigoriev, who was already somewhat damaged in his mind from solitary confinement, at that moment completely lost it. But then they hit the end; tied to a post, their eyes were untied and the verdict was read in the form in which it finally took place. Then everyone was sent back to the fortress, with the exception of Petrashevsky, who was immediately seated on the parade ground in a sledge and sent straight to Siberia with a courier.

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Literature

• Semevsky V.I. Mikhail Vasilievich Butashevich-Petrashevsky and the "Petrashevites". Part I // Collection. op. T. II. M.: Zadruga, 1922. 217 p.
• Petrashevites in the memoirs of contemporaries: Sat. mat-lov. Comp. P. E. Shchegolev. M.; L.: Gosizdat, 1926. 295 p.
• Philosophical and socio-political works of the Petrashevites. Ed. V. Evgrafova. M.: Gospolitizdat, 1953. 824 p.
• Leikina-Svirskaya V. R. Petrashevtsy. M.: Thought, 1965. 166 p.
• Petrashevsky about atheism, religion and church: Sat. Comp. and ed. V. R. Leykina-Svirskaya. M.: Thought, 1986. 269 p.
• Egorov B.F. Petrashevtsy. L.: Nauka, 1988. 236 p.
• Dulov A.V. Petrashevites in Siberia. Irkutsk: Publishing House of Irkutsk University, 1996. 300 p.
• ;
• "The Propaganda Society in 1849" (Lits., 1875);
• "New time", 1881 No. 1790;
• Pleshcheev A. N., in "Molva" (1881, No. 50);
• Vuich, in "Order" (1881, no. 48);
• Milyukov, in "Russian antiquity" (1881, No. 3,);
• "Russian invalid", 1849, No. 276 (verdict);
• Op. Miller. Biography of Dostoevsky;
• Dostoevsky F. M., "A Writer's Diary";
• Semevsky V.I., "The Peasant Question" (vol. II) and in the "Collection of Jurisprudence" (vol. I).

In Belletre. Petrashevsky’s case is presented in the form of the Petrashevsky case in Palm’s novel “Alexey Slobodin” and in “The Results of Life” by P. M. Kovalevsky (“Bulletin of Europe”, 1883, No. 1-3).

Notes

Links

• // Encyclopedic Dictionary of Brockhaus and Efron: in 86 volumes (82 volumes and 4 additional). - St. Petersburg. , 1890-1907.

An excerpt characterizing the Petrashevtsy

Napoleon started the war with Russia because he could not help coming to Dresden, he could not help being misled by honors, he could not help but put on a Polish uniform, he could not help but succumb to the enterprising impression of a June morning, he could not refrain from a flash of anger in the presence of Kurakin and then Balashev.
Alexander refused all negotiations because he personally felt offended. Barclay de Tolly tried the best way manage the army in order to fulfill your duty and earn the glory of the great commander. Rostov rode to attack the French because he could not resist the desire to ride on a level field. And so precisely, due to their personal characteristics, habits, conditions and goals, all those innumerable persons who participated in this war acted. They were afraid, conceited, rejoiced, indignant, reasoned, believing that they knew what they were doing and what they were doing for themselves, and all were involuntary tools of history and carried out work hidden from them, but understandable to us. Such is the unchanging fate of all practical workers, and the more they are placed in the human hierarchy, it is not freer.
Now the figures of 1812 have long since left their places, their personal interests have vanished without a trace, and only the historical results of that time are before us.
But suppose that the people of Europe, under the leadership of Napoleon, were supposed to go into the depths of Russia and die there, and all contradicting itself, meaningless, violent activity people - participants in this war, becomes clear to us.
Providence forced all these people, striving to achieve their personal goals, to contribute to the fulfillment of one huge result, about which not a single person (neither Napoleon, nor Alexander, nor even less any of the participants in the war) had the slightest expectation.
Now it is clear to us what was the cause of death in 1812 French army. No one will argue that the reason for the death of the French troops of Napoleon was, on the one hand, their entry into late time without preparation for a winter campaign deep into Russia, and on the other hand, the character that the war assumed from the burning of Russian cities and inciting hatred for the enemy in the Russian people. But then, not only did no one foresee the fact (which now seems obvious) that only in this way could the eight hundred thousandth, the best in the world and led by the best commander, die in a collision with twice as weak, inexperienced and led by inexperienced commanders - the Russian army; Not only did no one foresee this, but all efforts on the part of the Russians were constantly directed towards preventing that which alone could save Russia, and on the part of the French, despite the experience and so-called military genius of Napoleon, all efforts were directed towards this. to stretch out to Moscow at the end of the summer, that is, to do the very thing that was supposed to destroy them.
IN historical writings about 1812, French authors are very fond of talking about how Napoleon felt the danger of stretching his line, how he was looking for battles, how his marshals advised him to stop in Smolensk, and give other similar arguments proving that then the danger of the campaign was already understood. ; and Russian authors are even more fond of talking about how, from the beginning of the campaign, there was a plan for the Scythian war to lure Napoleon into the depths of Russia, and they attribute this plan to some Pful, some to some Frenchman, some to Tolya, some to Emperor Alexander himself, pointing to notes, projects and letters that actually contain hints of this course of action. But all these allusions to the foresight of what happened, both on the part of the French and on the part of the Russians, are now put forward only because the event justified them. If the event had not taken place, then these hints would have been forgotten, just as thousands and millions of opposite hints and assumptions are now forgotten, which were in use then, but turned out to be unjust and therefore forgotten. There are always so many assumptions about the outcome of each occurring event that, no matter how it ends, there will always be people who will say: “I said then that it would be so,” completely forgetting that among the countless assumptions there were made and completely opposite.
Assumptions about Napoleon's consciousness of the danger of stretching the line on the part of the Russians - about luring the enemy into the depths of Russia - obviously belong to this category, and historians can only at a great stretch attribute such considerations to Napoleon and his marshals and such plans to Russian military leaders. All facts completely contradict such assumptions. Not only throughout the war, the Russians had no desire to lure the French into the depths of Russia, but everything was done to stop them from their first entry into Russia, and not only Napoleon was not afraid of stretching his line, but he was glad how triumph, every step forward and very lazily, not like in his previous campaigns, he looked for battles.
At the very beginning of the campaign, our armies are slashed, and our only aim is to link them up, although there is no advantage in linking up armies to retreat and draw the enemy inland. The emperor is with the army to inspire it in defending every step of the Russian land, and not to retreat. A huge Drissa camp is being set up according to the plan of Pfuel and it is not supposed to retreat further. The sovereign reproaches the commander-in-chief for every step of retreat. Not only the burning of Moscow, but the admission of the enemy to Smolensk cannot even be imagined by the emperor’s imagination, and when the armies unite, the sovereign is indignant that Smolensk was taken and burned and not given before the walls of his general battle.
So the sovereign thinks, but Russian military leaders and all Russian people are even more indignant at the thought that ours are retreating into the interior of the country.
Napoleon, having cut the armies, moves inland and misses several cases of battle. In the month of August he is in Smolensk and thinks only about how he can go further, although, as we now see, this movement forward is obviously fatal for him.
The facts clearly show that neither Napoleon foresaw the danger in moving towards Moscow, nor did Alexander and the Russian military leaders then think about luring Napoleon, but thought about the opposite. The lure of Napoleon into the interior of the country did not happen according to someone else's plan (no one believed in the possibility of this), but came from the hardest game intrigues, goals, desires of people - participants in the war, who did not guess what should be, and what was the only salvation of Russia. Everything happens by accident. The armies are cut at the start of the campaign. We try to unite them with the obvious goal of giving battle and holding the enemy’s advance, but also this desire for unity, avoiding battles with the strongest enemy and involuntarily retreating under acute angle, we bring the French to Smolensk. But it’s not enough to say that we are withdrawing at an acute angle because the French are moving between both armies - this angle is becoming even sharper, and we are moving even further because Barclay de Tolly, an unpopular German, is hated by Bagration (who has to become under his command ), and Bagration, commanding the 2nd Army, tries not to join Barclay for as long as possible, so as not to become under his command. Bagration does not join for a long time (although this is the main goal of all commanding persons) because it seems to him that on this march he puts his army in danger and that it is most advantageous for him to retreat to the left and south, harassing the enemy from the flank and rear and completing his army in Ukraine. And it seems that he invented it because he does not want to obey the hated and junior rank German Barclay.
The emperor is with the army to inspire it, and his presence and ignorance of what to decide on, and a huge number of advisers and plans destroy the energy of the actions of the 1st army, and the army retreats.
It is supposed to stop in the Dris camp; but unexpectedly Pauluchi, aiming for the commander-in-chief, with his energy acts on Alexander, and the whole plan of Pfuel is abandoned, and the whole thing is entrusted to Barclay. But since Barclay does not inspire confidence, his power is limited.
The armies are fragmented, there is no unity of the authorities, Barclay is not popular; but from this confusion, fragmentation and unpopularity of the German commander-in-chief, on the one hand, indecisiveness and avoidance of battle (which could not be resisted if the armies were together and Barclay were not the head), on the other hand, more and more resentment against the Germans and arousal of the patriotic spirit.
Finally, the sovereign leaves the army, and as the only and most convenient pretext for his departure, the idea is chosen that he needs to inspire the people in the capitals to excite people's war. And this trip of the sovereign and Moscow triples the strength of the Russian army.
The sovereign leaves the army in order not to hamper the unity of power of the commander in chief, and hopes that more decisive measures will be taken; but the position of the commanders of the armies is still more confused and weakened. benigsen, Grand Duke and a swarm of adjutant generals remain with the army in order to follow the actions of the commander-in-chief and excite him to energy, and Barclay, feeling even less free under the eyes of all these sovereign eyes, becomes even more cautious for decisive actions and avoids battles.
Barclay stands for caution. The Tsarevich hints at treason and demands a general battle. Lubomirsky, Branitsky, Vlotsky and the like stir up all this noise so much that Barclay, under the pretext of delivering papers to the sovereign, sends the Poles to the adjutant generals in Petersburg and enters into an open struggle with Bennigsen and the Grand Duke.
In Smolensk, finally, no matter how Bagration did not want it, the armies unite.
Bagration in a carriage drives up to the house occupied by Barclay. Barclay puts on a scarf, goes out to meet v reports to the senior rank of Bagration. Bagration, in the struggle of generosity, despite the seniority of the rank, submits to Barclay; but, having obeyed, agrees with him even less. Bagration personally, by order of the sovereign, informs him. He writes to Arakcheev: “The will of my sovereign, I can’t do it together with the minister (Barclay). For God's sake, send me somewhere to command a regiment, but I can't be here; and the whole main apartment is filled with Germans, so that it is impossible for a Russian to live, and there is no sense. I thought I truly served the sovereign and the fatherland, but in reality it turns out that I serve Barclay. I confess I don't want to." A swarm of Branicki, Winzingerode and the like poisons the relations of the commanders-in-chief even more, and even less unity comes out. They are going to attack the French in front of Smolensk. A general is sent to inspect the position. This general, hating Barclay, goes to his friend, the corps commander, and after spending a day with him, returns to Barclay and condemns on all counts the future battlefield, which he has not seen.
While there are disputes and intrigues about the future battlefield, while we are looking for the French, having made a mistake in their location, the French stumble upon Neverovsky's division and approach the very walls of Smolensk.
We must accept an unexpected battle in Smolensk in order to save our messages. The battle is given. Thousands are killed on both sides.
Smolensk is abandoned against the will of the sovereign and the whole people. But Smolensk was burned down by the inhabitants themselves, deceived by their governor, and the devastated inhabitants, setting an example for other Russians, go to Moscow, thinking only of their losses and inciting hatred for the enemy. Napoleon goes further, we retreat, and the very thing that was supposed to defeat Napoleon is achieved.

The next day after the departure of his son, Prince Nikolai Andreevich called Princess Marya to him.
- Well, are you satisfied now? - he said to her, - quarreled with her son! Satisfied? All you needed was! Satisfied?.. It hurts me, it hurts. I'm old and weak, and you wanted it. Well, rejoice, rejoice ... - And after that, Princess Marya did not see her father for a week. He was sick and did not leave the office.
To her surprise, Princess Mary noticed that during this time of illness, the old prince also did not allow m lle Bourienne to see him. One Tikhon followed him.
A week later, the prince came out and began again former life, with special activities engaged in buildings and gardens and ending all previous relations with m lle Bourienne. His appearance and cold tone with Princess Mary seemed to say to her: “You see, you invented a lie to Prince Andrei about my relationship with this Frenchwoman and quarreled with me; and you see that I don't need you or the Frenchwoman."
Princess Mary spent one half of the day at Nikolushka's, following his lessons, herself giving him lessons in Russian and music, and talking with Desalle; the other part of the day she spent in her half with books, with the old nurse, and with God's people, who sometimes came to her from the back porch.
Princess Mary thought about the war the way women think about war. She was afraid for her brother who was there, she was horrified, not understanding her, before the human cruelty that forced them to kill each other; but she did not understand the significance of this war, which seemed to her the same as all previous wars. She did not understand the significance of this war, despite the fact that Dessalles, her constant interlocutor, who was passionately interested in the course of the war, tried to explain his considerations to her, and despite the fact that those who came to her god's people everyone in their own way spoke with horror about popular rumors about the invasion of the Antichrist, and despite the fact that Julie, now Princess Drubetskaya, who again entered into correspondence with her, wrote patriotic letters to her from Moscow.
“I am writing to you in Russian, my good friend,” wrote Julie, “because I have hatred for all the French, as well as for their language, which I cannot hear speak ... We are all enthusiastic in Moscow through enthusiasm for our adored emperor.
My poor husband endures labor and hunger in Jewish taverns; but the news I have makes me even more excited.
You heard right, oh heroic deed Raevsky, who hugged his two sons and said: “I will die with them, but we will not hesitate! And indeed, although the enemy was twice as strong as us, we did not hesitate. We spend our time as best we can; but in war, as in war. Princess Alina and Sophie sit with me all day long, and we, the unfortunate widows of living husbands, have wonderful conversations over lint; only you, my friend, are missing ... etc.
Mostly, Princess Mary did not understand the full significance of this war because the old prince never spoke about it, did not recognize it, and laughed at dinner at Desalles, who spoke about this war. The prince's tone was so calm and sure that Princess Mary, without reasoning, believed him.
Throughout the month of July, the old prince was extremely active and even lively. He pawned more new garden and a new building, a building for courtyards. One thing that bothered Princess Marya was that he slept little and, having changed his habit of sleeping in the study, every day he changed the place of his lodging for the night. Either he ordered his camp bed to be made up in the gallery, or he remained on the sofa or in the Voltaire chair in the living room and dozed without undressing, while not m lle Bourienne, but the boy Petrusha read to him; then he spent the night in the dining room.
On August 1, a second letter was received from Prince Andrei. In the first letter, received shortly after his departure, Prince Andrei humbly asked for forgiveness from his father for what he allowed himself to tell him, and asked him to return his favor to him. The old prince answered this letter with an affectionate letter, and after this letter he alienated the Frenchwoman from himself. The second letter of Prince Andrei, written from near Vitebsk, after the French occupied it, consisted of short description the whole campaign with the plan drawn in the letter, and from considerations about the further course of the campaign. In this letter, Prince Andrei presented to his father the inconvenience of his position close to the theater of war, on the very line of movement of troops, and advised him to go to Moscow.
At dinner that day, in response to the words of Dessalles, who said that, as he heard, the French had already entered Vitebsk, the old prince remembered the letter of Prince Andrei.
“I received it from Prince Andrei today,” he said to Princess Marya, “didn’t you read it?”
“No, mon pere, [father],” the princess answered frightened. She couldn't read letters she hadn't even heard about receiving.
“He writes about this war,” said the prince with that contemptuous smile that had become accustomed to him, with which he always spoke about a real war.
“It must be very interesting,” Desalles said. - The prince is able to know ...
– Ah, very interesting! said m lle Bourienne.
“Go and bring it to me,” the old prince turned to m lle Bourienne. - You know, on a small paperweight table.
M lle Bourienne jumped up happily.
“Oh no,” he yelled, frowning. - Come on, Mikhail Ivanovich.
Mikhail Ivanovich got up and went into the study. But as soon as he left, the old prince, looking around uneasily, threw down his napkin and went himself.
“They don’t know how to do anything, they mix everything up.
While he was walking, Princess Mary, Dessalles, m lle Bourienne and even Nikolushka looked at each other in silence. old prince returned with a hasty step, accompanied by Mikhail Ivanovich, with a letter and a plan, which he, not allowing anyone to read during dinner, put beside him.
Going into the living room, he handed the letter to Princess Marya and, laying out before him the plan of the new building, on which he fixed his eyes, ordered her to read it aloud. After reading the letter, Princess Mary looked inquiringly at her father.
He stared at the plan, apparently deep in thought.
- What do you think about it, prince? Desalle allowed himself to ask a question.
- I! I! .. - as if unpleasantly waking up, said the prince, not taking his eyes off the plan of construction.
- It is quite possible that the theater of war will come so close to us ...
– Ha ha ha! Theater of War! - said the prince. - I said and I say that the theater of war is Poland, and the enemy will never penetrate further than the Neman.
Desalles looked with surprise at the prince, who was talking about the Neman, when the enemy was already at the Dnieper; but Princess Mary, who had forgotten geographical position Nemana thought that what her father was saying was true.
- When the snow grows, they will drown in the swamps of Poland. They just can’t see,” the prince said, apparently thinking about the campaign of 1807, which, as it seemed, was so recent. - Benigsen should have entered Prussia earlier, things would have taken a different turn ...

Page 1

In the liberation movement of the 1940s, a prominent place was occupied by the activity of the Petrashevsky circle. The founder of the circle was a young official of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, a graduate of the Alexander Lyceum and Moscow University M.V. Butashevich-Petrashevsky. He was a gifted and extremely sociable person.

Beginning in the winter of 1845, teachers, writers, petty officials, and senior students gathered every Friday at his large St. Petersburg apartment. Later, advanced military youth began to appear on Petrashevsky's "Fridays". These were the people with the most different views and convictions - both moderately liberal and very radical. The most prominent figures of the circle, representing its radical wing, were D. D. Akhsharumov, S. F. Durov, N. S. Kashkin, N. A. Mombelli, N. A. Speshnev. They subsequently organized their own meetings and circles, but in a narrower format.

Prominent writers, figures of science and art also came to Petrashevsky's "Fridays": M. E. Saltykov-Shchedrin, F. M. Dostoevsky, A. N. Pleshcheev, A. N. Maikov, artist P. A. Fedotov, geographer P. P. Semenov, composers M. I. Glinka and A. G. Rubinshtein. The circle of connections and acquaintances of the Petrashevites was extremely extensive. Among the visitors of "Fridays" were N. G. Chernyshevsky and even L. N. Tolstoy. In each season of "Fridays" new people came, the composition of the participants in the meetings expanded more and more.

Petrashevsky's circle was not a formalized organization. It began its activity as a literary circle and until the beginning of 1848. wore semi-legal, essentially educational character, because leading role assigned self-education and mutual exchange of opinions on novelties of art and scientific literature, about various social, political, economic and philosophical systems. They were also keenly interested in the socialist teachings that were then widely spread in the West. The tone at these meetings was set by Petrashevsky.

The formation of the views of Petrashevsky and members of his circle took place under the influence of the ideas of the French socialists Fourier and Saint-Simon. The members of the circle pooled together a whole library of books banned in Russia. It contained books by almost all Western European enlighteners and socialists, the latest philosophical writings. Petrashevsky's library served as the main "bait" for visitors to his "Fridays". The problems of socialism were of particular interest to Petrashevsky and many members of his circle. To propagate socialist and materialist ideas, Petrashevsky undertook the publication of the Pocket Dictionary of Foreign Words Included in the Russian Language. In the "Dictionary" he introduced many such foreign words that have never been used in Russian. In this way, he managed to present the ideas of the socialists of the West and almost all the articles of the French constitution of the era of the revolution. late XVIII V. For camouflage, Petrashevsky also found a well-intentioned publisher, Staff Captain N. S. Kirillov, and dedicated the publication itself to Grand Duke Mikhail Pavlovich. The first issue of the "Dictionary" was published in April 1845. Belinsky immediately responded to it with a commendable review and advised "everyone should buy it." In April 1846, the second issue of the "Dictionary" was published, the most "seditious", but soon almost all of its circulation was withdrawn from circulation.

Since the winter of 1846/47, the nature of the meetings of the circle began to noticeably change, from the analysis of literary and scientific novelties, its participants moved on to discussing topical socio-political problems and criticizing the Nikolaev regime. In this regard, the most moderate members of the circle moved away from it, but among the visitors of "Fridays" new people appeared who adhered to radical views: I. M. Debu, N. P. Grigoriev, A. I. Palm, P. N. Filippov, F. G. Tol, I. F. Yastrzhembsky, who advocated violent measures against the existing regime.

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Petrashevsky history of creation, their views, leaders

emergence

In the middle of the 19th century in Russia, progressive thought began to be under the control of raznochintsy. These were representatives of merchants, philistines, clergy, retired soldiers, petty officials and wealthy peasants.

These people did not pass public service so it was hard for them to get in social system Russian Empire.

They made their living mainly by mental labor. Raznochintsy became a new socio-cultural group with progressive ideologies - liberal, socialist, revolutionary, anarchist.

The backbone of the revolutionary movement was the intelligentsia. And if the representatives of the Decembrists were mostly nobles, then their successors were already becoming raznochintsy. One of the early raznochintsy circles were considered to be Petrashevites, named after M.V. Butashevich-Petrashevsky. According to the methods of struggle, the Petrashevites were split. Among them were reformers, who made up the majority, and revolutionaries.

Every Friday, reports on the activities of the organization were read out in Petrashevsky's house. Their ideology and methods of struggle were influenced by the worldview of Herzen and Belinsky. Organizationally and ideologically, the circle did not have time to take shape: in 1849, when it was close to this, it was covered by the tsarist government.

Occupation and ideology

The ideas and goals of the Petrashevists were the same as those of any Russian progressives. mid-nineteenth century. main goal mug was, of course, the abolition of serfdom. Other goals of the Petrashevites included judicial reform, freedom of the press, and a number of Petrashevists were inclined to revolt. Many Petrashevites had a negative attitude towards religion, denied the existence of God and considered themselves to be pronounced materialists.

Religion, in the opinion of many members of the circle, coarsened and suppressed a person. Religion, according to Petrashevists, is expressed in God, who indulges the strong and the winners. Like any progressives, the Petrashevites were champions of science and education. They contrasted them with superstition, mysticism and religion. The Petrashevites were critical of the idealists from Germany, considering their views divorced from reality.

The Petrashevites supported utopian socialism as an alternative to the vices of the feudal and capitalist systems. Their ideas were influenced by the views of Charles Fourier. They opposed patriarchal family and supported the egalitarian family due to the fact that the egalitarian model lacks the oppression of women. Personal egoism, according to Petrashevists, should be absorbed by group egoism. Thus, this circle advocated the transformation of society through the natural nature of man.

The socialism of the Petrashevites was far from socialist in character. But in Russia everything revolutionary movements of that time were called socialist. If many liberals advocated only the rights of the Russian serfs and were reformists in general, then almost all socialists advocated scientific outlook, against religion and superstition, for the freedom of the individual and society, fought against feudalism and capitalism.

Notable leaders

Of course, the most famous figure organization was considered Butashevich-Petrashevsky, a St. Petersburg nobleman, creator of the Pocket Dictionary of Foreign Words. After his arrest, he spent the rest of his life in Siberia, where he died in 1866 (in the Yenisei province).

A well-known member of the Petrashevsky circle was also, who was also among the 20 arrested in 1849. Unlike many members of the circle, he had a positive attitude towards religion and adhered to the positions of Christian socialism, which was already influential in a number of European countries. Fyodor Mikhailovich put atheistic socialism on a par with bourgeoisness, and many Petrashevists opposed these concepts. Dostoevsky managed to visit the more radical communities of Durov and Speshnev.

Sergei Fedorovich Durov was more apolitical; the mugs he organized were worn literary character. And Nikolai Ivanovich Speshnev in Dostoevsky's novel "" became the prototype of Stavrogin. He was one of the first to call himself a communist. In exile, with the support of the East Siberian governor N.N. Muravyov-Amursky returns to public service.

Circle of Petrashevists (1845 - 1849).

In the liberation movement of the 1940s, a prominent place was occupied by the activity of the Petrashevsky circle. The founder of the circle was a young official of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs M.V. Butashevich-Petrashevsky. Beginning in the winter of 1845, teachers, writers, petty officials, and senior students gathered every Friday at his large St. Petersburg apartment. Later, advanced military youth began to appear on Petrashevsky's "Fridays". These were people with a wide variety of views and beliefs - both moderately liberal and very radical. The most prominent figures of the circle, representing its radical wing, were D. D. Akhsharumov, S. F. Durov, N. S. Kashkin, N. A. Mombelli, N. A. Speshnev. They subsequently organized their own meetings and circles, but in a narrower format. Prominent writers, figures of science and art also came to Petrashevsky's "Fridays": M. E. Saltykov-Shchedrin, F. M. Dostoevsky, A. N. Pleshcheev, A. N. Maikov, artist P. A. Fedotov, geographer P. P. Semenov, composers M. I. Glinka and A. G. Rubinshtein. The circle of connections and acquaintances of the Petrashevites was extremely extensive. Among the visitors of "Fridays" were N. G. Chernyshevsky and even L. N. Tolstoy. In each season of "Fridays" new people came, the composition of the participants in the meetings expanded more and more.

Petrashevsky's circle was not a formalized organization. It began its activity as a literary circle and until the beginning of 1848 had a semi-legal, essentially educational character. The formation of the views of Petrashevsky and members of his circle took place under the influence of the ideas of the French socialists Fourier and Saint-Simon. The members of the circle pooled together a whole library of books banned in Russia. It contained books by almost all Western European enlighteners and socialists, the latest philosophical works. Petrashevsky's library served as the main "bait" for visitors to his "Fridays". The problems of socialism were of particular interest to Petrashevsky and many members of the circle. To propagate socialist and materialist ideas, he undertook the publication of the Pocket Dictionary of Foreign Words Included in the Russian Language. In the "Dictionary" he introduced many such foreign words that have never been used in Russian. In this way, he succeeded in expounding the ideas of the socialists of the West and practically all the articles of the French constitution of the era of the revolution at the end of the 18th century. For camouflage, Petrashevsky also found a well-intentioned publisher, Staff Captain N. S. Kirillov, and dedicated the publication itself to Grand Duke Mikhail Pavlovich. The first issue of the "Dictionary" was published in April 1845. Belinsky immediately responded to it with a commendable review and advised "everyone should buy it." In April 1846, the second issue of the "Dictionary" was published, the most "seditious", but soon almost all of its circulation was withdrawn from circulation.

From the winter of 1846-47, the nature of the meetings of the circle began to noticeably change, from the analysis of literary and scientific novelties, its participants moved on to discussing topical socio-political problems and criticizing the Nikolaev regime. In this regard, the most moderate members of the circle moved away from it, but among the visitors of "Fridays" new people appeared who adhered to radical views: I. M. Debu, N. P. Grigoriev, A. I. Palm, P. N. Filippov, F. G. Tol, I. F. Yastrzhembsky, who advocated violent measures against the existing regime. Political program Petrashevists was reduced to the introduction of a republic with a unicameral parliament and the creation of an elective system for all government posts. In the future republic, broad democratic transformations were to be carried out: complete equality of all before the law, extension of the right to vote to the entire population, freedom of speech, press, and movement.

If the radical wing of the Petrashevites, headed by Speshnev, intended to carry out this program of transformations by violent measures, then the moderate wing, to which Petrashevsky himself belonged, admitted the possibility of a peaceful path. In the winter of 1848-49, at meetings of the circle, the problems of the revolution and the future political structure of Russia were already discussed. March-April 1849 Petrashevists set about creating a secret organization and even made plans for an armed uprising. The World History in 10 volumes. T. 6. M., 1959. S. 253 .. N. P. Grigoriev compiled a proclamation to the soldiers called "Soldier's Conversation". A printing press was purchased for a secret printing house. But the activity of the circle was interrupted at this point. On the night of April 23, 1849, 34 "intruders" were arrested in their apartments and sent first to the III department, and then, after the first interrogations, they were taken to the casemates of the Peter and Paul Fortress. In total, 122 people were involved in the investigation into the case of the Petrashevites. Petrashevtsev was judged by a military court. Although he discovered only a "conspiracy of minds", but in those conditions when revolutions were blazing in Europe, the court pronounced harsh sentences. 21 members of the circle were sentenced to death.

Nicholas I did not dare to approve the death sentence, but forced the condemned to survive the terrible moments of impending death. On December 22, 1849, the Petrashevites were taken out of the fortress casemates to Semyonovskaya Square in St. Petersburg, where their death penalty was to be staged. The condemned were read the death sentence, white caps were put on their heads, drums were beaten, the soldiers on command took them into sight when the adjutant wing drove up with the royal order to abolish the death penalty. “The sentence to death by shooting,” F. M. Dostoevsky later recalled, “read to all of us in advance, was not read at all in jest, almost everyone was sure that it would be executed, and endured at least ten terrible , immensely terrible minutes of waiting for death. The leaders of the circle, including Dostoevsky, were sent to hard labor in Siberia, the rest were sent to prison companies.

Dostoevsky and the Petrashevsky Circle

In 1846, after breaking off relations with Belinsky and his associates, Dostoevsky entered the philosophical and literary circle of the Beketov brothers, whose members were Dostoevsky's friends - A. N. Pleshcheev, A. N. and V. N. Maikov, D. V. Grigorovich. In the spring of 1847, Dostoevsky met the utopian socialist M. V. Butashevich-Petrashevsky. A supporter of Fourier's utopian socialism, the organizer of the first socialist circle in Russia, a remarkable orator, a propagandist who amazed with his erudition on social issues, Petrashevsky quickly won Dostoevsky's sympathy. A peer of the writer, after graduating from the St. Petersburg "former Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum" he served in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, had a library of banned books, which he willingly shared with friends. I took books from Petrashevsky and Fyodor Mikhailovich. These were mainly works on so-called Christian socialism and communism. Soon the young writer began attending Petrashevsky's "Fridays", and in the winter of 1848/49, the circle of the poet S.F. 19th century was one of the famous).

The members of the circle read at their meetings the works of the utopian socialists (especially C. Fourier), the articles of A. I. Herzen, discussed the ideas of socialism and criticized the existing Russian state build. The main topics of discussion at that time were serfdom, court and press reforms.

The Petrashevsky Society inherited the ideas of the Decembrists. But it consisted not only of the nobles, but also of the raznochintsy. What place did Dostoevsky occupy among them? The Russian geographer and botanist P.P. Semyonov-Tyan-Shansky wrote that “Dostoevsky never was and never could be a revolutionary.” The writer had too little in common with the Petrashevites. It is possible, as some researchers suggest, that, if it were not for the arrest, the writer eventually moved away from the Petrashevites, as he moved away from Belinsky. He was a supporter of the abolition of serfdom and the abolition of censorship of literature, but, unlike the rest of the Petrashevites, he was an ardent opponent of the violent overthrow of the existing government. Already after his arrest, during interrogation in the Investigative Commission on the case of the Petrashevites, Dostoevsky said this about the teachings of the utopian socialist C. Fourier: “Fourierism is a peaceful system: it charms the soul with its elegance ... It attracts to itself not with bilious attacks, but inspiring love for humanity . There are no hatreds in this system... Fourierism does not believe in political reform: its reform is economic. It encroaches neither on the government nor on property…” Nevertheless, in 1848 Dostoevsky entered a special secret society, organized by the most radical Petrashevist N. A. Speshnev, "having a bias towards communism." Among the members of the circle, he was one of the most prominent. The poet Pleshcheev recognized him as "the most remarkable personality of all ours." revolutionary program Speshnev's organization included the creation of an administrative committee of the most influential members of the circle and the organization of a secret printing house.

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